Korea Pennisula: Phases of modern contemporary history

Le Dinh Chinh
Vietnam National University, Hanoi

Acknowledgments

To complete this report, I deeply express my thanks to the Korea Foundation for Advanced Studies who help me very much in my studies. It cannot be denied that, during my studying and practicing in Korea, I have a lot of wide knowledge about Korean people and country. We have visited many places in Korea. This also helps me very much in my study and research on economic, society, history and culture of Korea. For example, Pusan City, SK telecom of Ulsan, Kyongju cultural heritage, Yi Sun-sin museum of Chungcheongnam- do, Ceramic museum, SK forest, and many other ancient culture heritage sites. Those heritage sites have made many strong impressions on me. By participating in these study-tours, we have received a lot of knowledge about history, society and culture of Korea. Besides, we can see that Korean traditional culture – the so-called Korean identities are maintained and strongly preserved. I can firmly say that, apart from my Mother land, where I was born, Korean people and country is also the great land of honor.   
 	Especially, let me express my thanks to my host scholar who helps me to complete this report - Professor Chung Yong Wook, a Professor of the Department of Korean History-Seoul National University, who has made some good conditions during my staying and studying in Korea. I do hope that in the future, I will try to complete a book on “Korea History - Contemporary and Modern” with 300 pages of content. This book gives general knowledge for not only Korean University students but also private Korean Studies beyond Korea.
On this special occasion, I also would like to express my great appreciations to Seoul National University, Library of Seoul National University and Library of the Korea Foundation for Advanced Studies who have provided me a lot of Korean historical and cultural documents and texts. 

Seoul August 15, 2006
Dr. Le Dinh Chinh   

Introduction

Viet Nam and Korea are two countries that have some points of similarity about history and culture. During the contemporary and modern period, the French and the Japanese colonialists have oppressed these two countries for many decades. Since 1992, Vietnam and Korea have set up their friendship and cooperation. For more ten years, the two countries’ relation has yielded many fruitful achievements and developed prosperously. Therefore, two peoples of the country have fully understood about each other in every aspect of social and political life, especially about history and culture of two countries.	           
	          However, Korean Contemporary and Modern history have experienced some vicissitudes steps. These changes took place from the period of Western powers’ invasion to the reform policy of T’aewongun 1864 – 1873. Apart from these historical events, the Tonghak propaganda (movement), the establishment of the Independence Association in Korea, the Protectorate Treaty (1905), as well as Japan’s exploitation of Korea economy, Japan’s education and religion policy in Korea marked the crucial epoch in Korean history. These paved the way for struggling against Japan. The movement on March the first 1919 and the appearance of Korea’s Provisional Government; the progress of Korea’s national liberation movement that Korean history reached its climax in 1945 when Korea was freed from Japan’s yoke rule. In 1948, Korea peninsular divided into two halves i.e. the foundation of the Republic of Korea and Korea peninsula after the war. The Democratic revolution in April 1960 and Establishment of republic and Era of civil governments opened a new era in Korea history as South and North Korea with prospect of peace, reconciliation, cooperation and unification. Those are the important historic events of Korean history during struggle process toward independence and unification. I think that, Korean contemporary and modern history has to study thoroughly that one can comprehend about development of Korea history.
	         For Vietnamese peoples and Vietnamese students, Korean history is one of the new issues and has to study more. This work cannot figure out the entire Korean contemporary and modern history, but to some extent, it can help us understand some of the basis contents. Especially, in present period, Korean history and culture can help Vietnam and us to understand the mutual relationship, bilateral cooperation and development between Korean and many other countries in the world in general as well as Vietnam in particular. Therefore, this project not only filled important content about profound theology and reality, but also can use as lecture for students in the Universities and the Institutes. 

This project is divided into three chapters.
 	Chapter I: Korea peninsula from the early 19th century to 1910
Chapter 2.Korea from 1910 to 1945
Chapter 3: Korea peninsula from 1945 until present time 
In each chapter, it was include a lot small section, which dealt with some content of Korea history contemporary and modern. We hope that this project will be the useful lectures and the important reading material for researchers in Universities and Institutes of Korean tradition history of contemporary and modern period.

                                                           Chapter I

I. Korea Peninsula from the first years of century xix to 1910
 
1.1	Some feature on Choson state before western powers’s invasion. 
         Before Western powers knocked on the door to demand trade link opening, Korea remained a backward monarchy.
In the later century 14, on Korea peninsula, Choson state was set up. Choson state’s architect was Yi Song-gye, who crowned himself with name T’aejo and ordered to move capital from Kaesong to Hansong, Seoul nowadays. Hansong then became centre of politics, economy, and culture of Choson state.
         Though being the country’s governor, the King had his powers held in hands of his assistants, “Dynastic Foundation Merit Subjects” (Kaeguk Kongsin) who were honored for supporting the King to build his rule, namely Chong To-jon, Cho Chun. Therefore, all decisions were submitted by these Dynastic Foundation Merit Subjects of the organization’s the Privy Council (Top’yongguisasa) compiled, and the King’s responsibility was to give his approval and the subjects would comply with the decisions.
         However, these assistants of Meritorious Elite became more and more notoriously dominant, causing great troubles. In 1400, Yi Pang- won, fifth son of King T’aejo ascended to the throne after winning over Chong To-jon and putting aside opposite forces. Yi Pang- won (the later King T’aejong, 1400-1418) out did his father in his policy making and wise diplomacy. He soon set up good relation with China King M’ing and was assigned Korea Monarch by King M’ing. He also dissolved private armed bodyguards and sent these forces to the national army. To restrain the government officials’ domination, the King changed the Privy Council into the State Council (Uijongbu) who had less power. Ministers of the court now no longer depended on the Privy Council. They could present themselves directly to the King and decide without referring to the State Council..
         In 1418, King Sejong (1418-1450) inherited the throne. To build up a strong court, the King established the Hall of Worthies (Chiphyonjon) a body to study Chinese ancient institutions. The six- volume Orthodox code (Chongjon) was composed by scholars of the Hall of Worthies. The Hall of Worthies’s power was so overwhelming that it seemed to seize the national power and dominate the royal influence.
         However, the Hall of Worthies did not last long. In 1456, King Sejo (1455-1468) ordered to dissolve the Hall of Worthies immediately after he won the throne. He also dismissed officials who cherished intentions of opposition. Scientist called this event “six killed officials”: Sam Song- mun, Pak P’aeng- nyon, Ha Wi-ji, Yi Kae, Yu Ung- bu and Yu Song-won. King Sejo alos issued a new law, called the National Code (Kyongguk taejon). The law confirmed the supreme power of the King and functioned as a legal tool to maintain social order and protect benefits of the monarchical dynasty.
        In Choson state, officials who had contributed to build the dynasty now were at important positions. However, at this time, a new Confucian of officials emerged. They were graduated most from private schools (Sowon) at localities. Though they had high education but they had no intention to widen their influence to the kingdom capital. After ascending to the throne, King Songjong (1469- 1494) used these scholars at important positions such as consultants so that he could restrain the domination of old officials. 

The appearance of New Confucianism was the main cause of partition, making the government internal affairs became tumult. As a result, these scholars were constantly removed.
	The scientists called the “literati purges” (sahwa). From 1494 to 1544, under the two dynasties of King Yonsan’gun (1494- 1506) and Chungjong (1506- 1544), there were four internal purification cases. Though Confucians were defeated heavily, they gradually recovered and gained their status in Choson’s social and political life, for they had firm ground at the private Academies (sowon) and the village Code (hyang yak). Then, the emerging of Confucians in the later half of century XVI led to a new partition, which caused internal division in Choson’s royal court. Scientists called this “factional strife” (tangjaeng).
	In Korean history, the biggest “party clash” took place under the dynasty of King Sonjo in about 1575. The main cause of the event was competition a round the position of chollang- a middle position in the Department of Personnel of the court. Though it was a normal position, chollang had monopoly in nominating officials to be assigned to important positions. Moreover, the promotion way of chollang was very wide who could reach to the highest official, heading the Department or prime minister. Therefore, this position was often subject of competition for parties.
	At first, Kim Hyo-won and Sim Ui-gyom were two rivals in competing for the post. However, the issue of chollang post caused clashes in the royal family and made the central government divided into two contradiction sides: Easterners (Tongin) and Westerners (Soin). At first, Easterners outplayed Westerners. In 1623, under the dynasty of King Injo (1623- 1649), Westerners took back the power and from that time to century XVII, Westerners dominated the power [1].
	In the following time, Westerners underwent tumult in its internal affairs and it was divided into an Old Doctrine (Noron) and a Young Doctrine (Soron). In the battle to protect its benefit, Old Doctrine came to power and became major force to fight Easterners.
	In the later half of century XVII, partition continued to be dominated in the court, making more troubles. At this time, a new intellectual school appeared in Korea- Practical Learning (Sirhak). The school’s major perspective was to “comprehend the reality by building national pride and social reforms for post Choson time on behalf of the people” [2]. 

	 
[1]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching Institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 220.
[2]. Faculty of Oriental Studies: 10 years of Korea Education and Studies in Vietnam; National Conference Report Collection on 10 years of diplomatic establishment between Vietnam and Korea; Hanoi, December 6, 2002, Hanoi national University Publisher, 2003, p. 123

To protect its purpose, the practical school criticized the present society and held opposite thoughts to trendy theories of the geomantic and portentous formulations of the Chonggam-nok, the subversive creed of Western Learning (Catholicism), and the individualist doctrines of the Wang Yang-ming school of Neo-Confucianism, anathema to the orthodox Chu Hsi philosophy [3].  
         Upon the progressive thought of the new school and upon attempt to treat partition, Choson government applied a new policy, which distributed power fairly to all sides. The new policy was called the t’angp’yongch’aek (“policy of impartiality”). The t’angp’yongch’aek was first applied by King Yongjo (1724- 1776) and then maintained by King Chongjo (1776- 1800). The policy aimed to balance powers among four sides in the court. As a result, the party partition calmed down and the court’s power and reputation improved and the political circumstance was remained stable during two dynasties.
        However, the t’angp’yongch’aek could not avoid certain limitations. It not only failed to clear away the partition of sides but also increased the number of the officials quickly. Many people anticipated that the power division among sides would climb to the top.

1.2. Rule of royal relative in law families.

	           In 1800, King Chongjo died and ten year Sunjo royal relative ascended to the throne. The policy known as t’angp’yongch’aek of balancing powers among four  factions and parties were no longer valid when royal power was transferred from the royal family to its in laws relative via marriages.
	            In the early time, Andong Kim royal family was control by father in law of the King Sunjo- Kim Cho-sun. When seizing the actual power, he purified the mandate mechanism and put his relatives on important posts. Therefore, from the first years of century XIX, Korea history stepped on new phase- a phase of power domination by families of relatives in laws of the royal family. The throne then played as a symbol image only.
            However, Kim family’s power was interrupted when the throne passed from King Sunjo to his nephew Honjong (1834- 1849). When Honjong became King, another family of relatives in law of the royal family took power of Andong Kim family. Cho Man-yong, head of the family quickly focused his power to control the royal family. Like Kim family, he removed opposite forces and got his relatives replace in the authority apparatus. In 1849, the new family lost its foot hole and King Ch’olchong (1849- 1863) came to the throne, bringing the rule back to Kim family.
           Therefore, within half of century, the actual controller of the royal family was not the Yi family itself, the throne was no more than a hollow symbol and every real power as in hand of families with marriage relations with the royal family. Many yangban of royal origin were pressed and bully by the in law relatives. The already turbulent country got more and more turbulent. And farmers suffered more and more.

[3]. A New History of Korea; Ki- baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching Institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:272.

1.3 Invasion of Western powers and reform policy of the T’aewon gun 1864- 1873. 
          In the early half of century XIX, Britain, France, Russia and America arrived at Korea sea, asking for trade link opening. In 1832, a trade vessel of Britain emerged off-shore at Ch’ungch’ong province. Thirteen years later, in 1845, Britain sent its war ships into Korea waters and explored many islands between Cheju and the Southern coast.
	          Following Britain was France. In 1846, France deployed three war ships to Ch’ungch’ong coast. After submitting a letter to Choson government, the war ships withdrew. 
After arrival Britain and France was American, in 1866, America’s war ships entered deeply into Korean waters, passing T’aejong River and landing at P’yongyang to declare war. In reaction to American hostility and brutality, the Korean people took their outrage and stood up protecting their independence and freedom. Fishermen of P’yongyang angrily fired American ships and killed all the crew members.
         In 1867, America deployed war ships to deepen its entry into Korea on the pretext to seek the destroyed ship, rummaging Korean people.
          Choson court realized looming risk to the country, accompanying strange ships and intentional warnings, robberies and rummaging, and decided action. In reference to lesson of Chinese when clashing with Western powers, Choson court had to decide either to block its gates or open to welcome the Western powers. Then, it was decided that Korea would block its door, rejecting any requirement from the Western power.
         Of these reasons, Korean Christianity being prosperous at that time was also a reason to influence the closing door policy of Korea. Catholicism, known then as “Western learning” (Sohak) was brought to Korea in the early stages of the transmission of Western culture, which first was introduced to Korea through European Jesuit missionaries residing in M’ing of China. 
          Via ups and downs, being terrified and tortured, and suppressed (1801), Christianity gradually came to be accepted by Korean people, especially under King Ch’olchong’s dynasty (1849- 1863) when Christianity was on no leash [4]. Statistics shows that in the beginning years of Kojong dynasty (1864- 1907), up to 20,000 people were converted into Christian. For the first time, the Hungson Taewon’gun professed and supported Christianity. He also aimed to use Christianity for political purpose, seeking French support to fight Russian domination. However, he did not get approval from the French. After that, a violent massacre on Christians broke out in 1866, killing nine French missionaries and many other Korean Christians.
           Therefore, at the beginning of century XIX, Korea was still a backward monarchical country, weakening and was in crisis. 
In confrontation to invasion of Western countries, Choson court, led by the T’aewon gun resorted to close the country door, refusing cooperation with Western countries.

[4]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 257.

           In 1864, King Kojong inherited the throne at his age of twelve. Then, his father, the T’aewon gun, himself assumed direction of the government and set in motion a resolute program of reform aimed at creating a strong monarchy. To put an end on the court’s troubles, T’aewon gun implemented t’angp’yongch’aek to balance power among Factions and parties. The result was that royal internal fight temporarily subsided and the domination of relative in law with the royal family was removed.
            In view of economy, cloth tax was imposed on every society’s members, including yangban families, which used to be charged on farmers in previous time. T’aewon gun re- established loan system by grain, building a net of rice stores at localities and ordered regular investigation. Any official who committed rice embezzlement would be heavily punished.
           To rebuild the royal image, T’aewon gun ordered to revamp Kyongbok Palace, which had been destroyed in Japanese invasion time (1591- 1593). However, it would be very difficult to have Kyongbok Palace rebuilt for it required a huge financial expenditure and immense labor force. Choson government applied a comprehensive tax policy such as additional land tax, entry tax on items transported through Seoul gate and other willingly donated things.
            In view of society, the T’aewon gun decided to shut private schools (Sowon). At that time, these private schools directly supervised farms and slaves in large numbers. Private schools, used to be subject to tax exemption and compulsory labor serving and enjoy many privileges, which was a main cause of national finance’s weakening. Moreover, private schools posed great threat to the government because they were outside the state’s control boundaries and were powerful in rural areas.
          In 1868, the T’aewon gun ordered to impose heavy taxes on private schools and then in 1871, he closed them. This act triggered strong sentiment and reaction of scholars and along with other causes, led to the T’aewon gun’s falling in later time.

1.4. Clashes with Western powers. 

          Western powers did not step back but exerted militant measures to force Korea to open its door. On pretext that nine French missionaries had been killed and in an effort to widen its influence scope, on August 18, 1886, France dispatched Admiral Pierre. G. Rose to lead three war ships, crossing Yellow Sea and entering Han river to punish Korea. Though they made initial triumphs at Kanghwa Island, they faced fierce reaction from Korean forces. Eventually, the French ships had to withdraw, leaving their target unfulfilled.
         America also followed suit France, using military forces to press Choson government to open its door. Saying that an American trading ship had been destroyed by Korean people, the American government sent vice Admiral John Rodgers, who headed an armed naval fleet to enter Korean waters and realized pillage. Before this act for American ships was, Korean forces fought severely at Kwangsong-jin, Kapkot and this time, American fleet had to pull out Korean waters 
	   Therefore, when facing Western military moves, Choson court with the leadership of the T’aewon gun was determined to protect the country.

 War victories in battles with French and American fleets strengthened the T’aewon gun’s attempt to apply his policy of closing door. On main roads of the capital of Seoul and many other localities, he ordered to erect stone board stele with scriptures that: “Western forces trespassed, no fight brings concession, concession brings country to be lost” T’aewon gun paid more attention to build up and develop the army, produce weapon, being ready to fight back invasion risks, protecting his door closing policy.
           The failure of French and American war fleets in Korea showed that their attacks were only simultaneous and alone, not a comprehensive invasion war. It was also not very urgent to these countries to have Korea open its door at that time, when Britain was focusing to suppress Indian people’s upsurge and France was engaged in Indochina invasion war, and American was busy solving internal issues after the civil war. These reasons made Western countries harbor no attempt to invade Korea.
          Nevertheless, Japan, a neighbor of Korea, had implemented it pro- West policy. After the reform of the Meiji in 1868, Japan swiftly became a power in military and economy. Japan’s intention to invade Korea was clearly shown. The only problem for Japan was right moment to wage invasion war. In addition to refusal of cooperation with Western countries, The T’aewon gun also contemplated to prevent Japanese invasion. 
                                        
1.5 Development enlightenment and interference of Japan and China in Korea.

          In his years of Regent, T’aewon gun was determined to pursue a closing door policy, and refuse any cooperation with Western powers, looking to lead his country out of any invasion risk. However, when his closing door policy was put into use, new perspectives emerged in his court, which aimed to make Korea powerful country and open its door to cooperate with outside forces. These perspectives originated from Shihak campaign, which began several centuries before.
          In general, Shihak campaigners did not only tend to country development mode of agriculture but also trade and handicraft industry. Pak Che-ga, a famous Shihak activist, pointed out that Korea could only become a strong nation via widening its trade door with Japan and Western nations. In 1832, when British trading vessels arrived at Chung- chong Sea, asking for permission to set up trade links, Yi Kyu gyong proposed that the government accept the British plead. Many other Shihak supporters such as Pak Kyu-su, O Kyong-sok, Yu Hong-gi, who had some understanding about Western nations, applauded foreign trade, saying that Korea should join international trade and the earlier a reform came into being, the better Korea would be. Shihak supporters’ policy of opening door therefore might have been viewed as opposition to the T’aewon gun’s policy of closing door and become the court’s threatening force.
           However, the T’aewon gun’s policy of isolation soon showed its disadvantages and finally collapsed following his leaving his power in 1873. One of the important reasons of his losing authority was that Queen Min had cooperated with some Confucian officials. But “it did not mean that when court power rested in Queen Min’s hand, Choson politics at that time changed its profound basis.

 Choson government remained an exploitation tool of rulers on their subjects. Queen Min’s acts aimed to serve herself, collecting powers in her hand, fighting the T’aewon gun’s closing door policy”[5].
           When seizing the real power. Queen Min shaped a new external policy, relying on outside forces to strengthen her status, removing the door blocking policy. However, when applying the opening door policy, Queen Min did not care for the national interest, and she did not had any economic and political reform to boost the country’s development, but wheeled Korea into deeper crisis and depression. Japan took advantage of that unrest and caught the chance to invade Korea. In 1875, Japan sent Unyo ship to enter Kanghwa Sea and intentionally clashed with Korea to make pretext for an invasion war. 
          When Korean soldiers destroyed the ship, Japanese government condemned Korea’s act, saying Korea unreasonably attacked and destroyed the Japanese ship. In 1876, Japan used its militant press to force Korean government to sit for negotiation. As a result, Korea signed with Japan a Friendship Agreement (also called Kanghwa Agreement). According to clause by the Agreement, Japan got what it wanted though Japan and Korea shared equal rights and benefits. Korea had to open its port of Pusan and another two ports within 12 months. Japan was free to explore Korean sea and open Japanese residential areas on land of opened ports.
        To Korea, Kanghwa Agreement was a milestone, marking a new phase of internationalization, and opening for Western civilization into a country blocked for centuries. However, this was a great challenge for Korea. Behind new culture were intentional ambitions of Japan and Western nations, which made Korean people to think how to absorb new things and maintain their independence at the same time.
         After Kanghwa Agreement, Choson court assigned Kim Ki-su to be ambassador to Japan. At the same time, the Japanese government pointed Hanabusa yoshitada to be the Resident in Korea. Through  visits to Japan and China, many Korean officials such as Kim Ki-su, arriving to Japan in 1876, Kim Koeng-jip, arriving to Japan in 1880 and Cho Chun-yong, Pak Chong-yang, O Yun-jung, and Hong Yong-Sik collected many lessons and experiences on administration, military, and education. With those experiences, Choson government took steps to run some reforms which notable was the military reform.
          In 1881, Choson state’s army system had tremendous changes through a number of reform measures. King Kojong changed five traditional units into two units the Muwiyong (Palace Guards Garrison) and Changoyong (Capital Guards Garrison), each was led by a faithful general of the King. Then, to modernize the army, the King set up a new unit, called the Pyolgigun (Special Skills Force). Meanwhile the king had invited Horimoto Reizo, a lieutenant in the engineering corps of the Japanese army, to instruct about the methods of modern warfare. 

[5]. Faculty of Oriental Studies: 10 years of Korea Education and Studies in Vietnam; National Conference Report Collection on 10 years of diplomatic establishment between Vietnam and Korea; Hanoi, December 6, 2002, Hanoi national University Publisher, 2003, p. 123

 The King also set up a new army force, called cadet officers, who were selected from yangban families and had them instructed in the new military arts. During this time, Korean administration system underwent new changes via the reform with the model of Ch’ing China. 
         The Choson government was established an overarching Office for Extraordinary State Affairs (T’ongni Kimu Amun), composing 12 departments, which aid most attention to foreign affairs, military and foreign languages education. While the Choson government carried its opening door policy, Confucianism followers vehemently opposed the court’s policy and Kanghwa Agreement. Most of them held the view that Japan and Western nations were all invaders and would invade Korea when time came. To protect the orthodox ideology, and reject the enlightenment policy, the Confucianism supporters returned to T’aewon gun, who were dethroned by their cooperation with Queen Min, and pled him to come back to politics.
          Taking advantage of this situation, the T’aewon’gun now made plans to bring himself back to power. His first scheme, in 1881, was to put his eldest son Yi Chae- son, born of a secondary wife, on throne in Kojong’s stead, at the same time getting rid of the advocates of enlightenment, those who were establishing ties with the Western Power and Japan.
 The plot was revealed by an informer, however, and Yi Chae-son and more than thirty of his fellow conspirators were put to death [6].
          Following were clashes between T’aewon gun and Queen Min, which led to disputes and skirmishes between enlightenment supporters and conservatives, causing unrest in the royal family. Meanwhile, Choson government’s military reform caused bad effects. Due to maltreatment in salary and diet portion in traditional army units, a rebellion broke out in the palace in 1882. Queen Min had to flee away, Min family collapsed, the Japanese embassy was fired and the Japanese trainer was killed.
          King Kojong was forced to bring back T’aewon gun. However, his every effort did not yield good results when China and Japan began their interference in Korean’s internal affairs. To Japan, the rebellion in 1882 made deep hatred and Japan insisted on revenge. Japan prepared forces and got ready to punish militantly on Korea.
          However, when Japan’s intention of military punishment was about to be launched, China had its 4,500 excellent soldiers present themselves in Korea. In the name of brother country, China dispatched the command Wu Ch’ang Ch’ing to Korea under pretext that he would help Korea in internal unrest. The first act of Chinese army was to capture T’aewon- gun and held him in Tientsin City. This act made Japan change their attitude. Japan then offered to resume negotiations with Korea. Then Korea and Japan agreed to sign Chemup’o Treaty at Inch’on. The Treaty stated that leaders of the Stage a Coup d’Etat would be punished and Korea would pay Japan 500,000 yen in compensation. At the same time, Japan was permitted to send a military force to protect their embassy in Seoul.

[6]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching Institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:272.

          However, Japan’s prestige in Korea did not increase much after Chomup’o Treaty. In the contrast, China resumed its authority in Korea peninsular at that time. Under Chinese influences, Choson court led by Queen Min swiftly turned to the policy of pro- China and pled help from China. In response to these pleads, China sent experts to support Korea in internal and external policies.
          In military field, with Chinese support, Korea set up a military force of four units (front, back, left and right wings) and a new force trained with Chinese manner under supervision of Ch’ing General Yuan Shih-k’ai.
        Choson state’s dependence on China soon revealed its disadvantages and caused new contradictions, especially when too many Chinese traders in Korea harmed terribly Korea’s trade. Moreover, to protect China’s interests and benefits in Korea and set up a fence to prevent Japan’s invasion, China ordered Choson court to sign trade treaties with Western nations, for example, trade treaty with America in 1882, Britain 1884, Germany 1882 and Russia and Italy 1884.

1.6 Rebellion coup in 1884 in Korea and China’s initial victories.

        Before the world’s situation, enlightenment perspective soon appeared in Korean people of different classes, especially among yang ban. Many famous politicians such as Kim Hong-jip, Kim Yun-sik, and O Yun-jung praised the enlightenment policy, saying that Korea could rely on China to carry its reform policy. 
        At that time, the reform policy reached young yangban officials, namely Kim Ok-kyun, Pak Yong-hyo and Hong Yong- sik, who all wished to see Korea change quickly. It may be seen that the reform view did not affect yang ban but also extended many other classes in the society. Many people thought that Korea should follow Japan’s reform way and rely on Japan to succeed in the reform. The trend then led to the appearance of a pro- Japan political organization, called Independence Party. Nevertheless, pro- Japan attitude did not get much approval from many classes of people. In the beginning, the Independence Party got King Kojong’s approval to set up an Office of Culture and Information (Pangmun’guk), weekly magazine Hansong Sunbo, which issued three editions every month. But efforts of the Independence Party did not bring much as wanted. They were boycotted by Queen Min’s supporters and rejected by Japan.
         In spite of difficulties, the Independence Party pursued their reform policy, especially a Coup d’Etat plot to drive away Chinese influence from Korea. With assistance from Japan’s embassy, the Independence Party carried its Coup d’Etat on December 4, 1884. Because of wrong plan and hurried actions, the Coup d’Etat was soon extinguished by the Chinese army. The plot leaders Kim Ok-kyun, Pak Yong-hyo and the guard force of the Japanese embassy and Japanese minister Takezoe swiftly fled to Japan to avoid punishment. Other Japanese soldiers and ordinary people in Korea lost their lives. The Coup d’Etat in 1884 left critical aftermath in Korea’s international relations. At this time, Korea became battle of influence contest between China and Japan and Russia and Britain as well.

          After the event, Japan knew that the involvement of minister Takezoe and its embassy would unavoidably cause critique from Korea. To settle the dust and continue the link with Korea, Japan dispatched foreign minister Inoue Koaru to Korea to be envoy and 

directly negotiate with Choson state, asking for compensation for Japanese losses in the event. As a result, a new Treaty was signed between Japan and Korea, called the Treaty of Hansong (Seoul), which stated that Korea would compensate to Japan and rebuild the ambassador’s chateau, which had fired by Japanese minister Takezoe. It was clear that Choson state once again tolerated Japanese wrongdoings in the coup d’etat in 1884.
          After the Coup d’Etat, Japan continued to invade Korea step by step.
At first, to weaken the China’s status in Korea, Japan proposed that China and China withdraw from Korea. At that time, the Japanese prime minister Ito Hirobumi himself arrived to China to negotiate with representative of Ch’ing China dynasty Li Hung-chang. Japan and China signed Tientsin Agreement on April 18, 1885, which stated that Japan and China pledged to withdraw from Korea within four months and in case of a side’s army entering Korea, the other side should be informed in advance.
          Though Tientsin Agreement was signed, Korea was far from independence and still under the influence of China. To maintain its interests and benefits in Korea, China pointed Yuan Shih-k’ai to stay in Seoul to be representative for diplomatic and trade relations. Chinese presence in Korea facilitated conditions for Chinese traders to enter Korea to do business, putting aside Korean and Japanese traders.
Therefore, after Tientsin Agreement, Chinese influence did not fade away but continued to increase in Korea peninsular.
          As mentioned above, Korea peninsular was not only battle field for China and Japan but also Russia and Britain. With diplomatic reputation, Russian minister Karl Waeber quickly won trust of Choson royal family and pro- Russia tendency began to appear among royal officials. Then, the special consultant of China, who was a German- Mollendorff, nominated by Ch’ing China dynasty, admitted that the fight between China and Japan needed a third force to play as intermediary, and he protected the presence of Russian people in Korea. Greatly concerned about the presence of Russia in Korea, China used the T’aewon gun to play off Russia and remained its influence in Korea. However, every effort of China hardly prevented Russia’s influence in this time. And in 1888, Russia and Korea signed a trade agreement, which allowed Russian people to reside in extra territorial settlement, and possess naval rights on Tumengan River.
          Russian entry into Korea made the peninsula’s situation more complicated. Britain was then a big power and felt that it could no longer ignore Russian people’s moves in Korea. In 1885, Britain sent a naval force to occupy Komun-do Island at the south coast of Korea to prevent Russian advancing steps. The British presence in Korea made Russia uneasy. In response to Russia’s announcement that it would occupy Korea, China played as intermediary between Britain and Russia. After two years of negotiation, in 1887, Britain withdrew from Komun-do Island. Russia also pledged that no country would invade Korea. So, Chinese’s part has brought about certain outcomes. During this time, Korea became more and more dependent in outside powers and could not remain its independence on its own.

1.7 Tonghak propaganda and Japan’s victory in China- Japan war (1894- 1895.

1.7.1 Tonghak propaganda. 

        On the whole, the main cause leading to Tonghak propaganda in Korea in the end of century XIX was the greedy policy of the monarchical rulers and the penetration of Japan’s economy.
         After the failure of the T’aewon gun and his policy of closing door, Queen Min exploited her power in the court, bringing the country downhill in the crisis. Special tax exemption, abandoned lands and tax dodging made the national finance weaker. Moreover, expenditures for war compensation and other expenditures also demanded huge volume of money. Therefore, every financial burden was loaded on farmers’ shoulders. To make up for the losses, the feudal government doubled tax charge, or even tripled it. Meanwhile, many local officials used dirty measures to rob money from farmers.
          Another important reason leading to farmers’ rebellion was Japanese economy’s interference, eroding Korean village economy. It maybe said that Japanese economy activities in this time made other countries uncompetitive with Japan. At ports of Inchon, Pusan and Wosan of Korea, many Japanese traders’ companies were built. Statistics shows that in 1896, among 258 foreign traders in Korea, Japanese traders made up to 210. And “among 1,322 trading ships of 378,507 tons in weight entering Korean ports in 1893, up to 956 ships of total 304,224 tons in weight were from Japan”[7]. The portion of trading between Japan and Korea accounted for 90% of Korea’s exports to Japan and 50% of imports from Japan. Korean people could not compete with Japanese traders because of their clever business skills.
          Tonghak revolution broke out in the end of century XIX due to greedy policies of the court and heavily exploitative economy policy of Japan. Tonghak’s founder was Ch’oe Che-u (1824- 1864). Despite being a religious theory, Ch’oe’s thought required people of society to be equal regardless of their status, class and caste in society. 
          Apart from care to rural area, the revolution also called for corruption clearance of bureaucrat class. Therefore, the revolution soon won people’s trust but was considered as rebellious by the government. In 1864, Ch’oe, the revolution’s chief, was arrested and executed.
         After a time of stilling, the revolution resumed under the leadership of Ch’oe Si-hyong (1829- 1898). Tonghak propaganda succeeded in publishing the holy book the Bible of Tonghak Doctrine (Tonggyong Taejon) and Hymns from Dragon Pool (Yongdam yusa) and building a number of churches. More important, the revolution admitted more and more followers from farmers, who had harbored hatred to monarchical class and foreign invaders.

[7]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard- Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:282.

         In 1894, the propaganda grew up into a vast revolution cause of farmers. Under the leadership of Chon Pong-jun, minister of Tonghak at Kobu district, farmers stood up robbing the district’s office, weapons and took food to distribute for poor people and destroyed reservoir the Mansokpo. The government sent forces to suppress the upsurge and arrested and executed some followers, and fired religious institutions of Tonghak. Outraged at the government’s acts, the farmers gathered around Chon Pong-jun and Kim Kae-nam to make revolution. Tonghak appeals were quoted as saying that “People are roots of the nation. If the roots withered, the nation would ebb away. The mandate officials have been negligent, insistent on building luxurious castles, appropriated public funds to enrich their families... we cannot stay still to witness our country ruined. This country is unified and the people pledge to unify and sacrifice themselves to help the country” [8].
         In response to the appeal, thousands of farmers from neighboring areas came to join Tonghak army. They armed themselves with swords and lumbers, raising the revolution flag and keeping bullet proof amulet in their body. After winning Kobu, Tonghak soldiers marched to Paeksan, where they fought back the court’s army from Chonju at Hwangt’ohyon hill in Kobu country. Then they occupied many strategic sites such as Chongup, Koch’ang, Hamp’yong. Tonghak army’s soldiers totaled at 10,000 people. The court hurriedly sent Hong Kye-hun with 800 soldiers to suppress the revolution but who was also won defeated.
         Choson government pled for the Chinese army to support. However, Japan instantly sent force to Korea. When Japan and China had their forces present in Korea at the same time, the situation got very tough. Tonghak leaders thought that it was a good chance for the revolution to be successful without using force when the foreign forces came and the government proposed to negotiate. 
        Therefore, Tonghak leaders required the government to prevent yangban from exploiting farmers, and foreign traders from entering Korea. They also suggested a12 point reform, which was the same as previous requests from Tonghak. The reform proposal focused on main points as follows: “that the oppressive treatment of the Tonghak by the government and the yangban be stopped, that an end be put to excessive economic exploitation of the peasantry, that discriminatory treatment based on social class status be abolished, and that those guilty of collusion with the Japanese in their aggressive designs be punished [9]. 
The government’s accepting Tonghak’s requests led to the clash cease. Then, Tonghak soldiers withdrew from Chonju and stayed at their homeland. It was clear that the cease fire would not be good for Tonghak revolution.

[8]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard- Yenching Institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:284.
[9]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:287.

        Tonghak revolution was upsurge of farmers in opposition to yangban rulers and Japanese traders in Korea. Under the religion flag, the revolution leaders called for people from many localities. The revolution won initial victories, making the government accept their requests on part of the Southern territory. However, the revolution then failed when many members and leaders of the revolutions were detained and killed.
 Tonghak revolution fell in 1895. However, the revolution left significant mark in Korean history, and with its lessons, it became a mirror for Korea’s later independence revolutions.

1.7.2 China- Japan War (1894- 1895) and Japan’s victory

         As said before, fearful about Tonghak religious force, the Choson government immediately pled for Chinese support. In response, China sent general Yeh Chih-ch’ao, who led over 3,000 soldiers landing on Asan Bay, Korea. In reference to Tientsin Agreement, when hearing about China’s deploying force to Korea, Japan sent 7,000 soldiers into Inch’on port, Korea. Then, the court agreed on requests from Tonghak force, who withdrew from Chonju. Therefore, the presence of China and Japan was no longer necessary. China proposed that Japan and China would withdraw from Korea at one time. But Japan denied China’s proposal, thinking that it was a good chance for them to clear away China’s influence in Korea peninsula.
        So, Japan proposed that China stayed in Korea and cooperated with Choson government to assist its administration reform. This is only an excuse because Japan anticipated that China would reject it. China certainly refused to agree. China said that interference into another country’s affairs was not possible and China and Japan’s meetings later brought no mutual consent. Finally, China- Japan war flared up in July 1894, started with Japanese war ships at Asan Bay and finished in the early 1895, with Japan’s being winner. As stated by Shimonoseki Treaty, Japan made China confess that Korea was a totally independent country and under the protection of Japan. “But to reiterate a point made several times before, the purpose of this clause was not in fact to guarantee Korea’s independent but rather to repudiate China’s claim to suzerainty over Korea.
 The treaty also called for China to cede the Liaotung Peninsula and Taiwan to Japan, thus revealing that Japan’s territorial ambitions extended even to Manchuria. Naturally Japan believed that Korea now had been brought firmly within its grasp” [10].
        Shimonoseki Treaty proved China’s sheer defeat before Japan. Since then, China not only lost their benefits and rights in Korea but also at its homeland and consequently became prey of Western countries and Japan.

1.7.3	The reform in 1894 and Japan and Russia’s dispute in Korea

         Before the China- Japan war broke out, Japan required the Korean to carry out reforms government so that Japan could exploit Korean economy, making Korea its springboard to attack China. 

[10]. A New History of Korea; Ki-baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for the Harvard- Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:289-290. 

To realize its purpose, Japan blocked and occupied Palace Kyongbok and restored political status for the T’aewon gun. Under Japan’s hand, a new government was set up in Korea, led by Kim Hong-jip and many other Pro- Japane, before of the Independence Party, carry out the reform.
         Although the Choson state tried to prevent, the reform still developed with support of Japan. The reform in 1894, directed by Japan, touched many issues in Korean society, economy and politics. In general, the reform was a good chance for Japan to enter Korean economy. However, when the reform took place, Japan tackled numerous difficulties such as national defense, tax payment in cash, financial and banking system, which were also difficulties of Korean society and economy at that time.
       On the other hand, the reform program had to face rejection of T’aewon gun, when who cherished his plan of coup to replace the dynasty. However, because of Japan’s taking precautions, his efforts failed and finally Japan was rejected him put out of the political stage. Moreover, the reform of Japan in Korea could not avoid interference of powers such as Russia, France and Germany, who required Japan to return Liaotung peninsula. At that time, Korean people fiercely condemned Japan’s oppression and exploitation, saying that Japan should quickly withdraw from Korea. Seeing that Russia was very powerful, Kojong’s government, under Queen Min’s domination, decided to follow Russia and fight Japan. However, Queen Min’s intentions did not come true and Japan assassinated her on October 8, 1885.
        The assassination of Queen Min stirred up deep hatred among Korean people to Japan. Many revolutions rose up at many parts of the country, rejecting Japan’s invasion. Russia took this chance, saying that it had to protect its embassy and deployed more than 100 naval soldiers to Seoul. Pro- Russia officials contacted with Russian minister Karl Waeber, convincing King Kojong to leave the palace for the Russian embassy to avoid danger from Japan for fear of his life. At that time, pro- Russia side, including Yi Pom-jin and Yi Wan-yong, with the King’s support, dominated the government’s affairs.
        Meanwhile, Pro- Japan figures such as Kim Hong Jip and O Yun-jung were assassinated by pro- Russia side. King Kojong stayed at the Russian embassy to avoid any risks caused by Japan, which made Korean people sentimentally angry. 
        In that situation, Korean people turned to support “a campaign supervised by new established Independence Association”. However, in this time, Russia’s status got firm in Korea, and to calm down the public outcry, King Kojong decided to leave Russian embassy for palace Kyonggun( today’s Toksu Palace) in February 1897. In August 1897, he changed his title into Kwangmu (Martial Brilliance) and in October, he declared that Korea would become Teahan Cheguk (Great Han Empire). On October 12,1897, after the ceremony of enthronement, King Kojong formally became emperor of Korea with status equal to that of Japanese and Chinese emperors. Korea became an empire this time in its name but actually, it did not change anything. Big powers such as Russia, France, Britain, America, Germany and Japan continued their battle to win influence in Korea. For example, Russia used Cholyong to make its coal and water transfer station and had authority to open Russia- Korea bank. Britain asked to have right to exploit the gold mine in Unsan, P’yongyang. Similarly, in April 1897, a German company named Edward Meyer won right to exploit the gold mine at Kumsong of Kangwon province. In February 1898, an American company won a contract to make roads, facilitate electricity cables and water 
pipes in Seoul.
       However, these investment projects did not come true, many Western nations broke the contracts. Taking this chance, Japan bought the contract from America and Britain. In September 1898, Japan signed with Korea a cooperation project in building a railway route linking Seoul and Pusan. During this time, many fishing companies of Japan were present along Korea’s coast. It could be seen that because Japan was really interested in appropriating Korea, they were willing to invest in Korea to put more control on Korea. 

1.8 The establishment of the Independence Club and Russia- Japan war (1904- 1905)

1.8.1 The establishment of Korea Independence Club

          On the whole, Korea in the end of century XIX became influence springboard of Western powers and Japan. The Choson state at that time depended on powerful nations and proved to be weaker and weaker in managing the nation. In that circumstance, a new political organization came into being in Korea to protect the nation’s independence and right, named the Independence Club (Tongnip Hyophoe).
           The Independence Club was set up by So Chae-p’il (Philip Jaisohn) in 1896. So Chae-p’il joined the coup in 1884 and then fled to Japan when the coup failed. From Japan, he traveled to America to study medicine and graduated from Washington Medical University. In 1896, So Chae-p’il returned to Korea and joined hand with some figures of other organizations in Korea such as Konyang Hyophoe Club and Chongdong Hyophoe Club to form the Independence Club. In the beginning, the Independence Club had a few members, including intellectuals So Chae-p’il, Yun Ch’i-ho, and Yi Sang-jae, who were subject to Western thought influence. The Club also had some key figures under influence of Confucianism such as Namgung-ok and Chong Kyo. The organization was for every ordinary people, requiring simple procedures for membership registration, with no nomination and so that after a short time, the organization attracted a great number of members of different social classes.
          In the beginning time, the Club aimed to carry two projects of symbolic meanings: first, to erect an Independent Gate on the recently razed site of the Yongun (“Welcoming Imperial Gate”)Gate, through which envoys from China had been escorted, and second, to renovate the Mohwa-gwan (“Hall of Cherishing China”), where Chinese embassies had been entertained, and create there an Independence Hall and Independence Park. 
         Then, the Organization shifted to political and social programs, holding conferences, press reviews so that the Organization’s activities got more various and abundant. The Club’s members unanimously agreed to open the Club’s formal speaker, the fortnightly Bulletin of the Independence Club of Great Choson but an unofficial organ was published daily and was called the Independence, in Korean Tongnip sinmun. To attract readers, the magazines were printed in Hangul characters and not Sino language.
         The Independence Club’s activities focused on three main fields: The Club concentrated every source and talent to protect the country before the invasion danger. The Club carried people right campaigns and considered these campaigns tool to pull the people to actively participate in politics. The Club called for self support campaign to build 

textile factories, paper mills, ensuring national security and developing modern national defense.
          The Club also decided to start a campaign to protect the natural resources from foreign exploitation. On February 9, 1898, in Chongno, Seoul, the Independence Club held a meeting, asking the Korean government to stop conceding land to foreign companies and dismissing Russian financial and military consultants, expelling them out of Korea. With the Club’s active moves, not only Russian consultants were deported from Russia but also Russia- Korea Bank was closed. The public pressed for King Kojong to leave the Russian embassy to return to his palace.
          One of the most well known events of the Club Independence was its successful meeting of people at the Chongno, Seoul in October, 1898, with presence of government officials. At the meeting, the Club proposed a resolution of six points to the King, which then was denied. To prevent the Club, the court established an organization, named Royal Association. The Royal Association’s responsibility was to suppress the people’s strikes demonstration by violence. Moreover, the court also accused that the Independence Club acts and moves were aimed to cleanse the monarchy and put up democracy. Then the court ordered to dissolve the Independence Club and arrested the Association’s leaders. The Independence Club called for a strike campaign for many days, asking the government to free its leaders and removing its order of dissolution. The court took a few steps back before the strike’s pressure. When the Independence Club pushed up the campaign, requiring the court to carry reform, the court announced that the Club was to be dissolved and the court sent its army to suppress the strike and arrested many leaders of the Club. This event terminated the existence and previous efforts of the Independence Club.

1.8.2. Russia- Japan war (1904- 1905) and the victory of Japan

         In regard to the dispute between Russia and Japan over control in Korea in the end of century XIX and the beginning of century XX, it be said that after Russia, Germany, and France pressed Japan to return Liaotung peninsula to China, in 1895, Russia secretly signed a military treaty with Chinese dynasty and won the right to build a railway, a strategic route of Russia from Siberia to Manchuria. Then, Russia won the right to rent Arthur port and Dairen port for 25 years, which Russia linked with the railway. So, Russia recorded some victories and continued to extend its influence in Korea.
          At that time, Japan did not have intention to use army to fight Russia but wanted to detente so that Japan could enter into Korean economy. It did not mean that Japan took Russia’s domination in far East lightly. After many rounds of negotiation, Russia and Japan reached an agreement in 1898, which stated that the two nations would not interfere into Korea’s internal affairs and would not dispatch military and financial consultants to Korea without prior consent of the two nations. In 1900, an important event in the region broke in China, called the Boxer Rebellion. That was a xenophobia campaign with underground support of the China Ch’ing dynasty. The campaign led to murder of foreigners and blockade of diplomatic missions in Peking’s foreign residential areas. However, a coalition force of Russia, Britain, France, Germany, America, Italy, Spain and Japan immediately sent soldiers to extinguish the revolution and rescue foreign diplomats.

 Japan contributed the most rescue soldiers and Russia took it as a pretext to send a force to occupy Manchuria, saying that it had to guard its railway there. Japan and Britain felt that they were critically threatened by Russia’s expanding its domination in Manchuria and Korea peninsula and saw it necessary to challenge Russia. In 1902, Britain- Japan Security Treaty was signed. The Treaty said that Britain was to respect Japan’s special interest in Korea and Japan to observe Britain’s interest in China. Russia promised to withdraw its army from Manchuria in three phases, for fear of Britain- Japan’s coalition. However, Russia did not keep its promise, withdrawing only in one phase. Moreover, in July 1903 a Russian force crossed the mouth of the Yalu into Yongamp’o bought land, and constructed housing, and before long formally requested to lease a port area there.  
       In spite of Japan and Britain’s fierce objection, Russia managed to make Yongamp’o open its door and set up trade relations with Russia. Seeing Russia’s moves in Manchuria and Korea peninsula, Japan did not accept to succumb and was determined to bring Russia to negotiate. After many prolonged and unending negotiations, Japan decided to attack sudden Russia at Arthur port on February 08, 1904. Russia- Japan war officially broke out on February 10, 1904. The Korean government instantly declared to be neutral, which was of no value to Japan. Japan immediately landed its forces on Inchon port and soon occupied Seoul. The Korean government was forced to sign a Letter Protocol to Japan. The Decree said that Korea accepted Japan’s consultation on its administration reforms and Japan promised to have Korea independent and unified in territory and if any threat may pose risk to the Korean emperor, Japan’s government would apply necessary measures and the Korean government would cooperate. The Japanese could use any Korea’s territory part to deploy its army to protect the emperor.
       Therefore, it was clear that Japan wanted to use Korean territory as a military base for its war with Russia and rob Korea’s independence by controlling its diplomatic relations. Moreover, when Japan saw that it was winning in the war, it declared to remove all agreements between Russia and Korea and occupy all the lands Korea conceded to Russia. In August 1904, Japan pressed Korea’s government to sign with Japan a new agreement. Accordingly, a Japanese consultancy system was imposed and Japan was to control the Korean government. The first Japanese financial consultant to present in Korea was Megata Tanetaro, a senior financial official in Japan’s Ministry of Finance. Then, a number of other Japanese consultants quickly appeared to work in the Korean government. On the other hand, Japan made Korea call their diplomatic missions back home and replaced them with Japanese diplomatic missions.
       To this point, Korea became one part of Japan and could merely keep the nation’s name. Meanwhile, Japan won continuous strategic victories in the war with Russia. In March of 1905 the important Manchuria city of Mukden fell. To save the situation and won back the standing in the war, Russia deployed a Baltic fleet to Asia. However, when the naval fleet of Russia came, the Japanese navy forces destroyed it off-shore at Tsushima, Korea Gulf. After this event, Russian defeat to Japan was only a question of time and it was better that to this point, Korean independence went away. When Russia- Japan war was about to end, Japan tightened its grip on Korea and ordered Korea to sign with Japan a new agreement, which stated that Korea handed to Japan all it diplomatic links and at the same time, Japan was free to travel on Korea’s internal water way routes.

       In July 1905, Russia- Japan war completed with landslide victory of Japan. Russia admitted its defeat and agreed to negotiate peace with Japan. The talk was held in Portsmouth town, New Hampshire state, America and American President Theodore Roosevelt (1858- 1919) played as a middle man to settle the negotiation. Therefore, the war cease agreement of Japan and Russia was named Portsmouth Agreement. The most important article of the Agreement defined that Russia was to confess Japan’s domination of economy, politics and military in Korea and Russia pledged not to cause any obstacle to Japan’s activities. The Agreement also stated that two ports Arthur and Dairen now belonged to Japan’s control and Russia had to leave its control in Manchuria, of which all railway routes, and Liaotung peninsula rent right and fishing rights at Sikhote Alin were transferred to Japan. Russia also had to concede half of the Southern Sakhalin Island, North of Hokkaido to Japan.
          In short, after the Russia- Japan war, Japan controlled the whole Korea and had right to do anything in Korea at its disposal. Moreover, Japan could make Korea its colony with no obstacle.

1.9	 Protectorate Treaty (1905), Korea became colony of Japan.

         After Portsmouth Agreement, Japan swiftly won admission of its control on Korean peninsula from Russia, Britain and America. To gradually turn Korea into its colony, Japan advanced a step, forcing the Korean government to sign the Protectorate Treaty. In October 1905, Japan singly handed to the Korean government a treaty, which clarified that all relations of Korea would be under control of Japan. Japanese minister Hayashi gonshuke led an escort mission, advancing into the Korean palace, threatening the King and forcing the Korean court to pass the treaty written by Japan. After many negotiations, many Korean officials were arrested by Japan. Finally, the treaty was signed on November 17, 1905 (called Protectorate Treaty 1905). The treaty stated that Korea was to handle to Japan the right of controlling all its diplomatic relations. Japan would be responsible for carrying terms as stated by treaties previously signed by Korea and other countries and Korea would no longer have right to enter any international agreement without consent of Japan. In addition, the Japanese government assigned a governor to reside in Seoul and had the right to consul the emperor, managed Korean relations with other countries. In December 1905, Ito Hiromubi, a senior politician was pointed to be General Governor in Korea. His duty was to answer for Korean diplomatic policy and protect and develop Japan’s interests and rights, and deploy the Japanese at his disposal. The Korean army was dissolved and disarmed this time and Japan allowed existence of a small escort mission to protect the palace.
       In view of economy, Japan amended Korea’s law so that Japanese residents could easily purchase land. In 1907, up to 7745 Japanese residents occupied a vast land of 230,803,000 p’yong (one p’yong is a little over four square yards) [11].

[11]. The History of Korea By Han Woo-keun Professor of Korean History Seoul National University; Translated by Lee Kyung-shik; Edit by Grafton K. Mintz; The eul-yoo Publishing company; Seoul , Korea; pages: 449.

          Then, Korean currency was also reformed to go with Japanese currency, making transaction easier. Moreover, Korea became supplier of rice, cotton for Japan. The number of Japanese residents came to live in Korea increased from 20,000 in 1897 to 170,000 in 1910.
          After the Protectorate Treaty in 1905, anti Japan campaigns rose up in many parts in Korea. Chang Chi-yon, editor of Hwang-son bulletin wrote an article under title “Today is a day of disaster”, condemning Japan’s invasion and calling Korean people to stand up against Japan. Then, a number of Korean leaders submitted a petition to the King, advising him to undo what he had done. Many demonstrations and rejection cries rose up, and the people called officials who accepted the Treaty “betrayers”. Following the outcry, Min yong-hwan, an officer serving in the palace, after writing a death letter, committed suicide, denying Japanese rule. Then tens of other people followed his example and the anti Japan campaigns extended wide to many parts in Korea. However, all these rejections and denials did not move Japan’s invasion policy.
         In 1907, when hearing about the World Peace Summit to be held in Hague, Holland, emperor Kojong secretly sent Yi Sang-sok, Yi Chun, and Yi Wi-jong to the summit, accusing Japan of invasion and appealing the international community to support Korea’s independence to save Korea’s independence. However, the summit denied every effort of Korean representatives because after the Protectorate Treaty 1905, Korea lost its international representation right. Though envoys of c desperately tried to prove that the treaty in 1905 had no legal value because it was signed without the King’s seal, they could not undo the situation. Consequently, Yi Chun fell ill and died in Hague out of his depression.
          It was concluded that in 1907, final attempt by emperor Kojong and his dynasty Choson to rescue the home country’s independence entirely collapsed. It was only a question of time when Korea would become Japan’s colony.
          Though the visit of Korean “envoys” to Hague failed, the international community raised its voice condemning Japan’s invasion policy. In response, Japan took one more step, putting charge on King Kojong and forced him to resign and put crown prince Sunjong, the last King of Choson dynasty on the throne.
          In July 1907, King Sunjong ascended to the throne, after his father’s announcement of resignation was released. Anti Japan campaigns took place in all parts of Japan. Japan sent troops to oppress the demonstrations. Then, Japan used force to make Choson government sign a new Treaty to assign the Japanese Governor full right in interference into internal affairs of Choson’s government. Moreover, Choson government had to assign Japanese officials upon nomination of the Japanese governor. Vice minister of every department had to be Japanese.
Korean government was not allowed to use official of any other nationality. According to statistics, in 1909, there were 2,000 Japanese officials in Korea’s government. After the agreement, Japan disarmed all Korea’s troops August 1, 1907. On the day of army dissolution, General Pak Song-hwan, chief commander of the court infantry committed suicide for out of his shame. Many other officers and soldiers vowed to use weapon, fighting Japanese troop in Seoul. After they ran out of bullets, they withdrew from the city and joined guerilla troops in localities to continue their anti Japan cause. In May 1910, Japan appointed General Teraushi Masatake to merge Korea into Japan. 

When arriving to Japan, Masatake ordered to close all magazines to block information and news. On August 22, 1910, Masatake and Korean Prime Minister Yi Wan-yong signed a new treaty, emerging Korea into Japan. And finally, on October 29, 1910, King Sunjong was forced to declare to concede his throne and his country to Japan. Since then, Korea formally became colony of Japan.

Chapter 2

Korea from 1910 to 1945

2.1 Some features on Japan’s rule mechanism in Korea

      After making Korea Japan’s colony, Japan ruled Korea via a General Governor, who replaced the previous Japanese General Resident. The General Governor seized all authorities of legislation, execution and justice. The Japanese army controlled all activities in Korean social and economic life. Below the General Governor were five ministries: General Affairs; Home Affairs; Finance; Agriculture-Commerce- Industry and Justice. Beside ministries, Japan set up many other bodies such as the General Police Bureau, the Investigation Bureau, the Court of Justice, the Railway Bureau, the Monopoly Bureau and the Temporary Land Survey Bureau [12]. 
         However, the most important of the Japanese rule mechanism in Korea was the army force. From the beginning, the Japanese army force had full rights to control civil affairs and it swiftly set up checkpoints nationwide. In every province, Japan assigned a chief to lead the army force there.
         Statistics showed that in 1910, there were 2.019 Japanese soldiers and 5643 civilian police in Korea, assigned to 640 civilian and 480 military stations. In 1914, the number of military stations had increased to 528 and the number of civil police stations decreased to108, which proved that the Japanese rule apparatus in Korea was mainly dominate by the militants. Moreover, the real expenditure for the army forces accounted for the highest rate in the General Governor’s budget. The Japanese army forces in Korea not only suppressed revolts of common people but also functioned as guards of traffic routes, forests, tax collectors, protectors, mail exchangers and even Japanese teachers.
        Beside the army force, Japan set up an office to act as consultant for the General Governor, called the Central Council (Chungch’uwon). However, the president of the Central Council was the Japanese administrative superintendent, the second highest official in the Government- General, and the councillors all were appointed by Japan [13].

[12]. The History of Korea By Han Woo-keun Professor of Korean History Seoul National University; Translated by Lee Kyung-shik; Edit by Grafton K. Mintz; The eul-yoo Publishing company; Seoul , Korea; pages: 465.
[13]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 315.

 Deputy of the office’s head was a Korean citizen and other members of the office were assigned by Japan. The Central council functioned as an assistant body for the General Governor and in reality it acted as an important information supplier for Japan to rule Korea.
       In short, after Korea became colony of Japan, Japan used its army force to strictly control Korean people’s political, economic and social life. Therefore, any utterance or act carrying meaning of opposition would be punished. In fact, the number of Korean citizens to violate Japan’s rules increased more and more, for example, in 1912, there were over 50,000 and in 1918, the number lifted to 140,000. Especially, after the failed assassination of the Japanese General Governor Terauchi in December 1910, Japan issued random arrest order on 600 suspects of assassination involvement. Korean people called the Case of 105, meaning that 105 people were sued at court. The event was not only notorious in Korea but also abroad for it made the international community fully aware of Japan’s slander, liar and barbarous torturing.

2.2 Japan’s exploitation of Korea economy

       The Japanese government considered one of its crucial tasks was to exploit the Korean economy. For Japan, Korea was a country of rich resources which were not available in Japan. On the other hand, Korean economy exploitation served not only Japan’s immediate demand but also Japan’s policy of expanding to the world in the long term. It was noticeable that Korea was a strategic field. If Japan occupied Korea, it could widen its power to many other Asians nations, especially China, a great nation in the region. It explains the reason why Japan was determined to rule Korea. In its process of annexation, Japan took steps to sign treaties to seize Korea and win rights to exploit Korean coast, mines, forests and especially right to build railway routes from Pusan to Seoul.
In view of land, after officially making Korea its colony, Japan put its priority on land ownership and agriculture production. Japan gradually changed Korea’s law and created conditions for Japanese companies to swallow Korean land.
         In 1912, Japan set up Department of Land Survey, which was to form a modern land ownership system and recorded needed information to file a data stock for the General Governor’s office. Land owners had to inform their names, age, address and the land plot’s accurate location, size, and quality so that their ownership rights would be confirmed. In Korean history, there had been no land registration in this manner and besides, most of farmers did not have much schooling and they could not understand Japan’s land policy. 
         Japan announced that any land owner failed to have his land registered would get it confiscated by the General Governor. Consequently, Japan’s real motivator was to speed up its confiscation of Korean farmers’ land.
However, Koreans, felt very uneasy about reporting their landholdings to the Japanese Government- General. Moreover, the registration procedures were not adequately made known to the general farming population and many peasants were negligent about making their reports. In addition, land of royal ownership and previous state management was also confiscated and belonged to the ownership of the General Governor.
          In the colonial time, the General Governor was the most powerful and had supreme right of ownership on land. Statistics shows that in 1930, the General Governor possessed 

40% of the national land area. After that, the General Governor sold land to Japan with negotiable prices. Most of Japanese land in this time fell into handoff Japanese individuals and companies. Therefore, the purpose of Japan’s land survey in Korea was to prepare ground for Japan to legally occupy Korean people’s land. As a result, Japan succeeded in appropriating Korean land. Japan’s Oriental Development Company confiscated the most land, buying about 110,000 chongbo of land from the General Governor (one chongbo equivalent to 2.44 acres).
          In the time of comprehensive land survey, Japan also implemented its policy of reclaiming land, which owner failed to pay tax. This reclamation was much more of robbery than legal reclamation. Because, Japan defines the “tax” level and it was unavoidable that Korean farmers could not pay the tax. Statistics shows that in 1912, nearly 100 Korean people lost their land because of not being able to pay tax, in 1914, the land losers increased to 13,000 and when the land survey ended in 1918, Korea had only 40,000 farming households left with land. Farmers losing land had only one option to become sharecropper. When the harvest crops belonged mostly to land owners, sharecroppers had to live in poverty and leave their land. Many had to flee to Manchuria and Siberia to live.

About natural resource

           As said above, natural resource exploitation in Korea was one of the most crucial targets for Japan’s colonial rule policy. To exploit effectively, the General Governor assigned the task to the Japanese Zaibatsu groups. In fact, Japan exploited a great volume of resources. many precious minerals such as gold, silver, lead, iron, coal served as input for Japan’s industry and also Japan’s allies in the second World War.
          To effectively exploit forest resources, Japan established Department of Forest, headed by a Japanese official. The Forest Department had monopoly in lumber exploitation management and encouraged forest protection and forestation in Korea. In colonial time, Amnok River and Tumen River were strategic waterway fro Japan to transport lumbers. Apart from lumbers, fishery was also one of the most important exploited resources in Japan’s colonial policy. Statistics reveals that about 90,000 Japanese fishermen were present along Korean coastal lines and about 30,000 Japanese fishermen reside in Korean land. In 1918, Japan made a total value of 18,193,334 yen in fishery.
           Under the sponsorship of the Japanese General Governor, Japanese companies strengthened their exploitation resources in Korean. The Japanese companies dominated the exploitation and the Korean people were pushed aside of their own economy, which then served Japan’s interest.

About finance and enterprise

          To effectively rule Korea, Japan assigned Megata Tanetaro to be financial consultant in Korea and in the end of 1904, this consultant climbed to control and manage the total finance. In 1905, under the supervision of Magata, a currency reform took place in Korea. The reform focused on two main points. Firstly, Magata replaced all nickel and brass coins of Korea with new coins minted in the First Bank of Japan. Secondly, to protect the value of new Japanese currency, Megata issued regulation on money change and fixed value of 

old and new currencies. For example, “A class brass coin is equivalent to 2.5 cents of new currency” [14].
        The currency change and exchange between old and new currencies caused bad effects on Korea’s social and economic life, with Korean traders to suffer the most. On the other hand, the currency reform laid pavement for Japanese banks to manage Korea’s finance.
       From 1900, after Korean ports were opened, many Japanese banks were present early in Korea, of which the First Bank controlled currency issuance and led Korean Central bank.
       To gradually control Korean bank system, in 1900, Japan set up Korea Bank and transferred the function of the First Bank to Korea Bank. However, the position of Korea Bank’s Governor still belonged to Japanese.
       Moreover, during the period of protection, all expenditures of the Japanese rule in Korea to be subject of the Choson state had to obtained loans from the Bank. Therefore, the Choson government became debtor of the Japanese Bank via the General Governor’s intermediary status. In the period of colony, the General Governor decided all these expenditures and Korean farmers were people to suffer the most.
       Beside the banking system, Japan also had monopoly in enterprise. Japan implemented their enterprise establishment rules in Korea. It may be said that while Japanese companies could be easily set up, Korean companies were impossible. After 1919, though Japan loosened its regulations of enterprise establishment, Korean enterprises were still blocked and their competition strength was far from comparatively equal to that of Japanese companies. In 1907 and 1909, among 170 applications of Korean citizens submitted, only 10 were accepted to set up companies. Moreover, from 1911, the General Governor had full right to dissolve any company which violated any condition in their business license. Therefore, in Korea, Japanese companies were mostly major players. For example, in 1911 here were 110 companies in Korea, of which Japanese companies accounted for 101. Two Japanese giant groups Mitsui and Mitsubishi with another 19 Japanese companies with branches in Korea controlled most of bank capitals. The main reason why Korean enterprises developed ineffectively was that the harsh army management and the strict control of banks.

2.3 Japan’s education and religion policy in Korea

         To gradually rule Korea, from the beginning, Japan put priority on education and religion policies. Towards this policy, Japan carry out duplicity, who attempted to soothe contradictions and managed tightly. First and foremost, Confucian schools in Korea were still respected.
 One of schools allowed to operate was Songgyun’gwan, which used to train Confucian officials, then changed into the school of Chinese Classics and allowed to continuing holding the spring and autumn ceremonies in honor of Confucius. 

[14]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for the Harvard- Yenching Institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 322.

        Similarly, Confucian schools at provincial level were also permitted to activate, but their income was transferred to new established public schools so that local Confucian scholars had lesser influence. So, in Korea, both traditional and modern education forms co-existed. Nevertheless, general education was not the concern of Japan. In 1916, there were 447 primary schools, 74 job vocation schools, three high schools, and four colleges, and so many children were without schooling and few passed primary level. Meanwhile, children of Japanese expatriates had a special institution, assigned by the colonial government take full responsibility on their education and training. The government sent teachers and sponsored Japanese children’s education. Compared with Japanese pupils, the rate of Korean pupils was much lower. Initial statistics showed that in 1919, there were 42,767 Japanese pupils at 379 schools and 85,306 Korean pupils in 498 public schools and 4,521 Korean pupils at 33 private schools. However, Japanese expatriates numbered at only 336, 812 while Korean population reached approximately 20 million.
       In view of religion, to challenge religious campaigns in Korea, in 1911, Japan issued Law of religious Sites, which stated that temples and abbeys were solely used for religious purpose and Buddhist possession could only be sold with the General Governor’s permission. Temples and abbeys were allowed to possess many lands, because Japan though that Korean temples and abbeys could not prosper and would not become revolt axis.
       On the other hand, to buy off and alleviate religious organizations, the colonial government permitted and support religious organizations such as Association of Buddhist follower unions, Buddhist Youth Association, Buddhist Campaign Association and Charity Association of female Buddhists to set up charity education institutions.
       It could be said that Korean Buddhism had a long history and had strong influence among people. However, Buddhism headed downhill this time and could not a pioneer force to call for fight against Japan. Meanwhile, Chondogyo, previous Tonghak, had been anti- Japan force from the beginning and then grown stronger though the Japanese government exerted tougher and tougher hand. In fact, Chondogyo was organized into 185 parishes, each had about 100 households. Chondogyo had its own official organization.
       Another religious force also fighting for Korean independence was the Protestant Association, brought to Korea by missionaries. Apart from their missionary work, these American priests also carried health work and accordingly, they played an important part in extending Western freedom thought to stir up national awareness among Korean people. Protestant Koreans such as So Ch’ae p’il, Yi Sang jai, and Yun Chi-ho were key figures in the Independence Association to spread the national thought. Business and intellectual people hailed Protestant, especially in P’yongyang. In 1909, Protestant held a big campaign to call for local people to follow it. Apart from its religious tenets, it also carried meanings of education and society. While priests, abbeys, and Protestant associations did not directly join the fight, they sowed the fight spirit among people, calling them to stand up fighting Japan. However, under the Japanese rule, many opponents were arrested or killed.

2.4. Korean people’s struggle movement against Japan

2.4.1. Korean soldier carries out a war of resistance against Japan

        As mentioned above, the policy of Choson dynasty led by Queen Min was to rely on outside forces to maintain and foster its power, “but not rooting in national interest and the country’s independence [15].
       Therefore, after Russia was defeated, the Choson government could not challenge annexation plots of Japan, which explained why the Choson government ordered to dissolve the Independence Association and sent soldiers to press the demonstration of the Association and yielded to sign the Protectorate Treaty with Japan in 1905.
 Too desperately disappointed, many scholars committed suicide. However, many patriotic scholars formed guerrillas to fight Japan. Among Korean guerrilla forces, a force at Wonju, led by Min Kung-ho, typically defeated Japan continuously at Yo ju, Wonju and Chung-ju and Ch’unch’on…
       At the same time, another guerrilla force at Kwang-wa, under the leadership of Yu Myong-gyu, after defeating Japan forces, paraded to Hwang-hae province and joined the guerrilla forces at the province. Some disfavoured court senior officials also led demobilized militants to fight Japan. For example, Ho Wi, Yi In-yong rose up in arms at Choksong and Kwangwon, Yi Kang- nyon and Sin Tol-sok raised flag at Kyong-sang. It is remarkable that after Korea was annexed to Japan, the number of guerillas to join the cause was on increase. Apart from reform in organization, these guerilla forces were armed with more weapons and equipment, making them stronger in battlefields.  
       Because the field of the guerilla forces was quite vast (mostly covering all national localities), many camps, railways, and mail routes were frequently attacked and destroyed, making Japan’s forces weak and vulnerable. However, because the guerilla forces were less comparatively strong in men and weapon, the campaign came to its lowest point in 1908. Until the end of 1910, up to 17,600 guerillas sacrificed, among whom were Min Kung-ho, Ho Wi and many other leaders. The survival forces had to withdraw to Manchuria and Russia’ waters for activity
.
2.4.2. Movement on March the first 1919 and the appearance of Korea’s Provisional Government

         After Korea was merged into Japan, patriotic Korean people who vowed to fight for an independent Korea could not publicly stay in Korea and they had to flee abroad, waiting for time to come.

[15]. Faculty of Oriental Studies: 10 years of Korea Education and Studies in Vietnam; National Conference Report Collection on 10 years of diplomatic establishment between Vietnam and Korea; Hanoi, December 6, 2002, Hanoi national University Publisher, 2003, p. 123.

     

  However, will activate foreign country, these patriotic people divided themselves into two sides. One side aimed to win back Korea’s independence via military measure. They set that military forces should be built up, and arm plans should be outlined to fight Japan. Representatives of this side were Yi Si-yong, Yi Tong-nyong. They opened a martial training school in 1911, teaching soldiers to become professional battlers. Similarly, in Russia’s waters, another group of patriotic people led by Yi Sang-sol, Yi Tong-hwi, opened an organization named the Government of the Korean Restoration Army. They armed themselves, trained soldiers, and launched surprise attacks on Japan.
        The other side was of expatriates living in exile in China and America, seeking the international support, waiting for timely opportunity to save Korea’s independence. It can be said that Japan’s exploitation of Korea’s economy did not get international approval, especially Western community, who seemed uninterested but still giving no approval.
        In Shanghai, China, some Korean patriotic secretly connected and maintained relations with China. For example, Sin Kyu-sik founded Tong Jesa in 1912 to contact with Chinese revolutionists. Meanwhile, a group in America, led by Yi Sung-man (who would become President of Republic of Great Korea later in future) founded Kung Min hoe (National People Association) in Hawaii in 1909 and prepared to return home when chance came. After Korea was annexed by Japan, Korean people in exile seized every chance to launch Korean issue on international community debates. At International Social Party Conference at Stockholm, Sweden in 1917, the Korean patriotic exiles in China presented themselves as representatives of Korea, demanding independence for Korea. In the same year, at another international summit held in New York, many exile Korean representatives asked the international community to support Korean people find their independence.
       In short, exile Korean groups all wanted to opt for a suitable way to restore the national independence from Japan’ rule yoke. During this year of 1914, the international circumstance underwent many changes. When the First World War was about to break out, Japan found a good chance to penetrate into China, and in reference to its treaty signed with Britain, occupied Kiaowchow Bay on the Shantung peninsula, which was rented to Germany. In the beginning of 1915, Japan sent to China a request of 12 points. With this request petition, Japan took one more step of strategy, completing its rule in Manchuria. Reacting to Japan’s moves, China called for a resistance cause nation-wide. To this time, Britain and America saw that their interest in China was threatened by Japan. Consequently, relations between Japan and America and Britain became lukewarm considerably. 
       In October 1917, the Russian revolution succeeded. In 1919, the nations gathering at Paris Peace Conference unanimously announced the Peace Treaty. All these events had effective impacts on Korean’s movement of independence demanding at that time.
The American President at Paris Peace Conference in 1919 launched a viewpoint, which right to self determination of every nation, laying pavement for Korea’s movement demanding national independence to prosper. According to the call of the self-determination of nationals, existence of a nation depended on the nation’s decision.

 Nevertheless, to some extent the principle was applied, and from within the former Austro-Hungarian Empire such nations as Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Rumania emerged as independent entities, while Poland, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia, formerly under Russian domination, all became independent [16].
         After the principle of the self-determination for nations was declared, the Korean people heartedly praised and welcome the event, long under the yoke of Japan. Korean exile people in Shanghai sent Kim Kyu-sil to Paris Peace. Meanwhile, Korean exile people also sent Yo Un-hyong to Russia to seek support of these countries and especially, Ch’oe P’ar- yong and Korean students in Tokyo, Japan founded the Korean Youth Independence Corps (Choson Chongnyon Tongniptan) and outlined an act program.
          Under the leadership of the new association, on February 8, 1919, up to 600 Korean students gathered at YMCA office, Kanda, Tokyo and issued the Independence Declaration, demanding Korea to be free form Japan’s yoke. Though the event held no practical meaning to the colonial government, it was a fresh echo, beginning Korean’s resistance movements in coming time.
         During this time, Korean’s independence demanding movement became more and more exciting with cooperation of various organizations such as Buddhist, Christian and Chondogyo (Religion of the heavenly Way). The Independence Declaration of Korea, composed by religious organizations and some patriotic figures, collecting 33 signatures, was not only the desire but also the determination of the whole Korean people fighting against Japan’s rule. On March 1, 1919, the movement started with the announcement of Independence Declaration. Upon the event of funeral of King Kojong, the movement’s leaders saw that it was a good chance to hold demonstrations condemning Japan. At first, the demonstration was expected to be carried out on March 3, the day of the King’s funeral. But because of fearing that the plan might be leaked out, the leaders decided to open it two days earlier, on March 1. The Independence Declaration with 33 signatures was officially announced and Korea was then an independent nation. Thousands of students and people were out to routes and unanimously echoed the slogan “Long live Korean independent” (Tongnip manse). The demonstration took place swiftly, secret and suddenly so that the Japanese rulers were quite shocked. Leaflets of the demonstration were soon printed and spread to many places in Korea, sent to the American President, Japanese government and Paris Peace Conference. It was remarkable that among 33 people who signed in the Independence Declaration, 15 were Chondogyo followers, 16 Christians, and two Buddhists. The Independence Declaration confirmed to the world that Korea had full right to stand as an independent and free nation, and Japan had illegally annexed Korea regardless of Korean people’s will.
      The demonstration soon spread nationwide peacefully without any riot:“The only weapon of the movement on March the first was only slogan Long live Independence” [17]. 

[16] A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard- Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:340.
[17]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard- Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 342.

Thousands of national flags appeared, many people coming to Seoul to join the King’s funeral also stepped in the demonstration. Many Korean expatriates abroad also supported the demonstration when hearing about it because they had a common desire of taking back their homeland’s independence.
      In that situation, Japan was so fearful and used violence. Japanese police and soldiers fired into the unarmed crowd, killing and wounding many people. Thousands of people were arrested and barbarously tortured. “When angry mobs began to attack police stations as a result, the Japanese resorted to burning down houses and churches indiscriminately. It was estimated that 2,000,000 people took part in 1,500 big and small demonstrations. Although accurate statistics are not available, it is generally agreed that about seven thousand people were killed and fifteen thousand wounded. Seven hundred and fifteen private houses, forty-seven churches and two school buildings were destroyed by fire. About 46.000 were arrested, of whom around 10,000 including 186 women, were tried and convicted. The largest demonstrations were in P’yongyang, Kyonggi and Kyongsang Provinces [18].   
       Although the movement on March 1 failed and could not do anything to change Japan rulers’ policy for it was suppressed violently by the Japanese, it opened up a new history phase for Korea’s cause for independence freedom. More importantly, the movement was a high cry on the whole peninsula, wakening the national spirit of Korean people to join the anti Japan revolution in later years. The movement was also result of the Korean people’s fighting against invaders, stimulated by patriotism movement of Confucian scholars in 1876, the soldier revolt in 1882 and Tonghak movement in 1894. Until this point, in opposition to Japan’s brutal rule, Korean people’s anti Japan revolution came to its peak, spreading nationwide and attracting people of various walks of life. The movement also meant that the Korean people now thought about themselves as citizens of a nation desiring for freedom and independence after too much suffering from Japan’s yoke. Until this point, the Korean people could not free themselves, but their determination and solidarity proved that they had never given up their fight for independence. Moreover, the movement caused the world see the true nature of Japan and powerful resistance of the Korean people. And Japan could not pretend that its presence in Korea was out of Korea’s demand and wish any longer. For Western countries, Japan’s power spread in Korea and Eastern Asia driven them away from Japan, and of course, Japan lost its allies. When Japan’s ambition of domination came to peak, Japan signed a coalition treaty with fascist nations in Europe, consequently leading the Second World War and the dismay failure of fascist Germany, Italy and Japan.
       In short, the movement on March the first wakened Japan to see that if Japan continued their usage of violence with no touch of goodwill and cooperation from Korean people, Japan would always face obstacles in their rule. For Korean people, the movement, despite not achieving its target, made Korean people fully aware of their national spirit. Though still under Japan’s rule, Korea was now a nation of independence and full right.

[18]. The History of Korea By Han Woo-keun Professor of Korean History Seoul National University; Translated by Lee Kyung-shik; Edit by Grafton K. Mintz; The eul-yoo Publishing company; Seoul , Korea; pages: 476.
    
     After the movement on March the first, patriotic Korean people realized that they needed an organization to lead activities of the independence movement. Therefore, a provisional unified government of Korea was founded in Shanghai in April 1919, under the name of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea ( Taehan Min’guk Imsi Chongbu). 
In view of its organization, it had two sections of consultancy and administration. Though being an exile government, for the first time in Korea’s history, the Korean people had a government built from democratic principles.
       After being set up, the Provisional Government held an intermediary mechanism to link the government with domestic campaigns, assigning local individuals to call for people of every class to join the revolution. Consequently, in structure, the Provisional Government had sufficient representatives of 13 domestic provinces, forming a inherent net of abundant activities. The government’s budget was raised from domestic people’s donation. In foreign affairs, the government undertook a number of important plans such as sending people to Paris Peace Conference, International Social Party Summit in Switzerland. The Independence News (Tongnip Sinmun) was the official speaker of the government to supply domestic and international news.

2.5 Changes in Japan’s rule policy and developments Korean nation liberation movement

2.5.1 Changes in Japan’s rule policy

      After the movement on March the first, Japan had to reconsider its rule policy in Korea. However, the reconsideration was only aimed to hide new plots of Japan’s colonial policies.
In August 1919, Japan assigned navy general Saito Makoto to be new General Governor in Korea. Saito declared that he would respect Korea’s culture and customs, and promised that would work for Korean people happy.          
       However, in reality, what Saito said was contrary to what Japan acted in Korea. Firstly, Japan army did not decrease but increased in number, from 15,000 soldiers on March 1, 1919 to 21,782 in the end of 1938. The civil police force was transferred to provincial management, not the army management. Secondly, Japan’s education policy had no change. The education curricula chiefly aimed to praise Japan Empire and destroy Korean nationalism. In fact, Japan’s education policy turned into a suppression tool. 
      Japan’s promise about press freedom in Korea was not realized also. Japan was still in strict control of press. Chosun ilbo (Korea Daily) and Tonga Ilbo (East Asia Daily) were two important magazines to be founded in 1920. However, they were censored very tightly and at last had to close. In conclusion, the new policy as declared by Japan to loosen Korean’s people in regard to the rule of “political and cultural respect” was only to blind the international condemnation and had nothing new.

About economic policy

        After the event on March the first, Japan sped up its exploitation progress in Korea. The quick population increase in Japan and the industrialization caused serious food shortage. So, Japan’s food source in this time mainly came from Korea’s supply. In 1920, Japan planned to increase Korea’s rice output. The plan aimed to invest 168 million yen in Korean agriculture for the first 15 years and annually, rice output would increase by 9.2 million sok in weight, of which five million sok would be transported to Japan. However, the target was not met. In reality, the rice output reached an average of 12.3 million sok (1912- 1916), 14.5 million sok (1922- 1926), and 17 million sok (1932- 1936). Despite of these rice shortages, rice was transported to Japan in great volume, for example, in 1933, over half of Korea’s harvest was transported to Japan. “By the end of the 1920s the average Japanese consumed almost twice as much rice as the average Korean, who had to supplement his diet with millet, maize and barley, mostly imported from Manchuria”[19]. 
         Japan’s rice export policy caused terrible effects on Korean agriculture and people. It forced one cultivated harvest and made farmers’ life more difficult when their crop failed. In addition, Japan’s exploitation policy was too harsh that Korean farmers lost more and more land and finally, most of farmers became sharecroppers (70%). Though becoming sharecroppers, they continued to be exploited and submitted half of their harvest to landowners and bore many kinds of tax imposed by the government. In 1939, the number of Korean nomadic farming households numbered at 340,000 and thousands of other people had to leave their land to migrate to Manchuria.
          In industry, in the beginning time, Japan cared little for Korea’s industry. When Korea became Japan’s colony, it was not only consumption market but also material and food supplier for Japan. In 1920, the General Governor had to nullify the law of controlling enterprises in Korea. Therefore, enterprise registration was no longer so difficult. However, this change was only to turn Korea into a nice market to supply cheap labor to Japan. Korean workers had to labor ten hours per day. These advantages attracted Japanese investors. In 1926, Choson Hydro Electricity Company was set up at Pujon, Hamyong. In 1927, Choson Fertilizer Company was built to consume electricity of the hydro electricity company. After Japan won control over Manchuria of China, Japan’s investment in production in Korea was pushed up. In this time, to prepare for a war to invade China, Japan increased its investment in national defense. From mid of 1925 to 1931, the production of commodities increased from 17.7% to 31.3% and in 1939, increasing to 39%. Chemical industry developed faster, with oil output increased by four times, proving that Japan’s military demand was very high. For Japan invested mainly in defense, it paid more attention to mining industry in Korea. While products of other industries reduced, agricultural products from 72% in 1925 to 63.1% in 1931 and 52.8% in 1936, mining industry grew up dramatically in parallel with Japan’s military apparatus. Two branches of Japan’s two giant companies Mitsui and Mitsubishi were leaders in production for Japan’s defense demand in Korea.

[19]. The History of Korea By Han Woo-keun Professor of Korean History Seoul National University; Translated by Lee Kyung-shik; Edit by Grafton K. Mintz; The eul-yoo Publishing company; Seoul , Korea; pages: 480.

 Consequently, Japan built wide industrial zones Korea to serve war needs. Meanwhile, Korean enterprises did not have a chance to develop and they had nothing to compete with Japan’s industrial development. On the other hand, Japan’s government did not allow Korean traders any chance to learn basic sciences and enterprise management methods. Korean workers laboring in Japanese factories were taught new techniques but at a certain level. Moreover, because Japan’s industry in Korea developed, Japan pushed up exploitation of Korean workers’ labor and paid them low salary.Japan sped up exploitation of Korea’s natural resources.
       As said above, one of the most important tasks for Japan’s economic policy was to speed up the exploitation of Korean natural resources to serve Japanese industries. The following graph will show us the output of chief minerals that Japan exploited in Korea: [20].
(Unit: ton)
Year	Gold	Iron ore	Coal	Tungsten	Graphite	
1930	5.876	532.497	884.138	12	20.073	
1940	22.060	1,185.426	5,740.941	4.281	94.581	
1944	0.598	3,321.814	7,048.776	8.333	103.306	
     The above figures show that in 1930, Japan extracted 5.876 tons of gold and 22.060 tons in 1940. Japan’s government encouraged gold exploitation because in fact, Japan had to import gold from outside. Other minerals such as iron, coal, tungsten, graphite all served Japan’s national defense industry. After the Pacific war broke out in 1941, Japan focused to accelerate iron exploitation by six times, coal by eight times, tungsten by 700 times in 1944 compared with 1930. It was seen that Japan’s rule policy in Korea not only served Japan’s immediate interest but also Japan’s national defense technology in the Second World War.

About life of Korean people under Japan’s yoke

       Under Japan’s rule yoke, many Korean farmers fell into stricken poverty with sharecroppers made up for 70% in society. In 1916, among total 2,641,154 farmer households, up to 40.6% were sharecroppers with a little land, 36.8% sharecroppers with no land. The two types of sharecroppers totaled at 77.4%. They lived a round year hard life, deep in debt and responsible for submitting their land owner 50% of the harvest and other expenditures. As a result, it was not strange that many peasants had to leave their homeland for other places to earn living. Scientists call this phenomenon “fire-field people”. In 1916, the number of filed burners reached 245,626, climbed to 697,088 in 1927 and 1.5 million in 1936. In Manchuria was the main destination for Korean migrants. According to statistics, Korean migrants to Manchuria were on ever increased 560,000 in 1927, 800.000 in 1931, and 1, 45 million by 1941 [21].

[20]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard- Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 352.
[21]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for the Harvard-Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:357.

        However, in the new land, the peasants continued to live in poverty. Though they could live outside the colonial government’s control, they regularly faced the local government’s bad treatment and some bad skirmishes broke out.
       Besides, Korean workers under the rule of colonial government had position of no difference with that of farmers. Along with national defense technique development, Korean workers accelerated in number. In 1944, the number of Korean workers in factories reached 600,000 and in mines 350,000. The total workers of all industries in Korea numbered at two million in 1944. They had to work 12 hours per day, with very low salary (one yen per day for a male and 0.59 yen per day for a female), which was far from enough for living. Due to harsh labor and low wage, Korean workers’ health worsened. Many had vocation diseases or work accidents. In society, unemployment occurred more and more. In 1931, the unemployment rate in Korea was 15% and in Japan 6.7%.

2.5.2. About progress of Korea’s national liberation movement.

       After the event on March the first, the national liberation movement Korea underwent many changes. In general, the national liberation movement during this time focused on some main contents as follows:

Firstly, the movement struggle of farmers and workers in Korea

       In confrontation to the Japanese suppression and exploitation, the Korean people did not yield up and many liberation campaigns appeared under new forms. It can be seen that one of the most notable forms was the campaign “Korean citizens to buy Korean products”. The campaign appeared in 1923 after the Japanese General Governor ordered to remove the law of controlling enterprises. Many Korean traders set up enterprises. However, because of lack of fund and restrained in many aspects, they could hardly compete with Japanese enterprises. To help Korean enterprises develop, Korean people joined the campaign of “Korean citizens to buy Korean products”. The campaign began in big urban cities such as Seoul, Pyongyang and then spread quickly to the whole nation. After 1920, many farmers lived too hard life, losing more land and leaving their homeland in greater number that so many fierce riots broke out between farmers and rich land owners. According to statistics, in 1922, there were 124 riots and 726 in 1930. Japan’s heavy exploitation policy triggered of up vehement resistance of sharecroppers, which was not only in economically meaningful but also politically and socially significant.
       Beside campaigns of farmers, Korean workers in Japanese companies also fought against their bosses with many forms of rejection. For example, in 1912, there were six revolts of workers, 81 in 1926 and 205 in 1931. These campaigns led to coming of Korean labor unions. For example, in 1920, the Works Beneficial Association (Nodong Kongjehoe) was founded, in 1922 the Korean workers alliance (Choson Nodong Yonmaenghoe). The strike of workers at Pusan port (1921), the strike of female workers of rubber production in Seoul (1923) and the comprehensive strike in Wonsan (1929) were all under direct of  Korea Labor Union’s Association. 

The strikes of Korean workers in rejection to their bosses with direction of labor unions showed that these campaigns carried deep national meaning and contributed to the national people’s cause in addition to economic benefits such as salary increase and working hour decrease.

Secondly, activities of political organizations

       Apart from these campaigns, political campaigns against Japan’s rule also emerged in Korea during this time. At that time, the world was undergoing significant changes, which were good for Korea’s liberation movement. The October revolution in Russia succeeded, influencing far and wide on many oppressed nations’ independence movements in the wourld. In 1920, the Korean Communist Party (Koryo Kongsandang) was founded in Shanghai under the leadership of Yi Tong-hwi, and its securing of substantial financial support from the Soviets.
      In Tokyo, Japan, another patriotic organization of students was also formed. The organization debated for freedom and aimed to use terrorism. It argued that Korea’s independence could only come true only when once Japan’s capitalism was uprooted.
      With that purpose, it founded Korean Communist Party (Choson Kongsandang) in 1925 and carried campaigns fighting Japan with support of Korean workers. The organization weakened in following years due to its many disadvantages.
Another political organization founded by democratic nationalists in Korea in 1927 was named Sin’ganhoe. The organization’s motto covered three big issues:
1.	Economic and political awareness improvement
2.	National solidarity enhancement
3.	Opportunism boycotted
    Though the organization got Japan’s approval as a legal body, it directed its aim to seek independence for Korea. As a social organization, it submitted many demands to Japan’s government such as an education system in regard to Korean people’s need, teaching in Hangul language, dissolution of Japan’s exploitation tools such as Oriental Company, freedom to study Karl Max and Lenin’s thought... Then, Sin’ganhoe got under the control of Japan. However, it made wide influence in Seoul and many other parts of Korea as well, attracting number of 30,000 members. After the demonstration of students in Kwang-ju (1929), many leaders of Sin’ganhoe were arrested, and Japan ordered it not to activate any more and in May 1931, it was dissolved.

Thirdly, the independence movement on June 10, 1926 and students’s movement in Kwang- ju

       After March 1, the movement of Korean students developed very strongly. The most notable was Seoul students’ movement on June 10, 1926.
         In April 1926, King Sunjong, the last monarch of Yi dynasty, died. When the last symbol of independence passed away, the uproar emerged fierce nationwide, especially among Korean students who planned to demonstrate on the day of King Sunjong’s funeral, June 10, 1926. 

      With the lesson of the movement on March 1, Japan was on strict alert, taking precaution and ready to suppress the movement. Despite of being controlled, the movement still sparked on time and funeral participants marched in streets, shouting “Long live Korean independence”. Seoul got exciting with banners and national flag. Japan’s police arrested and over 200 students. The event entered Korea’s history under the name of “the June 10 Independence Demonstration”.
      The Korean students’ movement against Japan broke out not only in streets but also schools, of which the demonstration of students in Kwang-ju, Cholla province on October 30, 1929 was typical. A group of Japanese students had insulted a group of Korean female students, making Korean students furious. A noisy clash broke up between Korean and Japanese students, leading to a public fighting in streets, with 400 Korean students to be arrested. The bad news extended to Kwang-ju and immediately, most of the students in the city were out to streets, joining the demonstration, demanding to remove the apartheid, claiming freedom for oppressed nations and insisting to uproot colonialism. The demonstration did not stop at Seoul, Kwang-ju but extended nationwide, lasting for months, attracting 54,000 students of 194 schools. Japan arrested 1,642 students, suspended 2,330 and dismissed 582 students.
         It can be said that movements of students, originated from the movement on March 1, 1919 and in Kwang-ju (1929) was new call, marking the fresh step of the national independence movement and the crisis of Japan’s rule policy.

Fourthly, the national independence of Korean patriotic scholars in overseas

      The movement for independence and freedom was not limited domestically but abroad as well with the leadership of patriotic intellectuals. In the cause against Japan to rescue Korea, Manchuria was very geographically strategic to Korea peninsula. Millions of Korean people lived in villages in Manchuria. They were protectors of Korean guerillas. In the end days of  Choson dynasty, the court’s guerillas based in Manchuria to fight Japan.
       After March the first, many anti Japan units were formed in Manchuria. Though their weapons were as not good as those of Japan, their bravery was stronger and they defeated Japanese soldiers in battles that the Japanese soldiers were multi folds compared with them. For example, Hong Pom-do led a group of Korean guerillas and fought Japanese soldiers, killing 160 and wounding 300. Kim Chwa-jin headed a group of Korean guerillas to fight and killed 1,000 Japanese soldiers. Japan retorted Korean in a bloody mass killing fight, burning many houses and killing many Korean people in Manchuria, which Korean people called “mass killing 1920”. Nevertheless, the anti Japan movement in Manchuria did not die away. On the contrary, it continued to develop and operated more effectively. As a result, the national independence movement in Manchuria was organized into three different units under the common purpose of fighting their cause against Japan. To challenge Korean people’s cause in Manchuria, Japan sent Head of Department of Soldiers of the General Governor Office to Manchuria, cooperating with General Chang Tso-lin to kill Korean people’s cause. Consequently, Japan arrested many Korean guerillas and expelled them to Korea because Japanese forces and weapons excelled in comparison with those of Korean people in Manchuria. After this event, Japan controlled the whole Manchuria. Korean guerilla forces had to cooperate with Chinese forces to fight Manchuria and Japan’s governments.
         Another important event took place in this time was the foundation of Korea Communism party in Shanghai in 1920. After founded, the Party quickly developed and caused great influence in Korea. The party acted very well and Korean workers’ campaigns took place more and more and came to peak in 1925.
        The Japanese takeover of Manchuria in 1932 had greatly hampered the activities of patriot groups there. Many of them retreated into China proper, where others were won over by the Communists. However, during this period, Korea Provisional Government underwent contradiction and internal division. For example, Yi Sung man planned to nominate himself to Presidency and Yi Tong-hwi expended irregularly the budget allocated by Russia. These divisions was badly effected the government’s activities. In 1940, the Provisional Government removed the Chungking, where the Chinese government was then operating, and brought a great many Korea patriot groups under its control. At the same time, Korea units were set up within the Chinese Communist forces, which were based at Sian in the northwest. Many forces of Korean fought the Japanese side by side with the Chinese there.

Fifthly, the resistance via cultural and educational activities

      Press was one of important fields of Korea’s independence movements. Korean press’s activities in this period were also under strict control of Japan and many newspapers were ordered to close. However, journalists did not stop their activities to serve the national independence. In general, all newspapers had rich content, with information good for national movements. For example, they released information on Japan’s activities, and especially focused on movements of other oppressed nations. Beside, the press also carried out campaigns to eliminate hunger and poverty, and preserve Korean culture... In its editorial, Tong Ilbo newspaper confirmed the nation’s will, calling for Korean cultural and democratic spirit. However, because of the strict censorship of the Japanese government, many editorials were removed. From 1929 to 1930, up to 142 articles were not allowed to be published and 96 newspaper editions were suspended. Many journalists were detained and many newspaper publishing houses were suspended.
     In 1920 and 1921, up to 30 monthly magazines were founded and few lasted for a number of months. For example, Kaebyok newspaper was one of newspapers surviving longest of Chondogyo religious group and released 22 editions from 1920 to 1926. Then, it was suspended 32 times and finally had to close for ever. Meanwhile, up to 582 newspapers in Korean and Japanese languages were open to spread Japanese culture and language, suppressing Korean culture and language. However, the Korean people still insisted on preserving their culture and language.
       Beside press, education was also one measure for Japan to spread its culture in Korea. For Japan, from the moment when they annexed Korea and to the moment before the movement on March the first, they had no care fore Korean people’s education. However, after the event on March the first, Japan had to consider its education program though it chiefly served Japanese students. For example, in 1926, Japan founded Keijo Royal University, including faculties of Medical Studies, Law and Human Sciences, with Japanese students being main enrollers. Korean students who wanted to their get a higher position study had to enroll at private universities in Korea or America or other Western universities. In 1931, up to 3,639 Korean students studied in Japan and 493 in America.

  To aim at its rule target, Japan’s government began to pay attention to study of Korean history and culture. In 1925, the General Governor established Korean History Compilation Bureau. Through archaeological explorations and folk culture studies, Japan built up a distorted image on Korean history and society to betray Korean public that Korea people could not manage their country themselves and they should need Japan’s assistance. 
      In response to that plot, Korean intellectuals realized that they had to shield the nation’s culture and rebuild a correct picture of their history. From 1010, Ch’oe Nam-son set up a group specializing in publishing and releasing Korean ancient history works. Historian   Pak Un-sik condemned Japan’s invasion policies and encouraged national independence cause and nation protection in Korea. Sin Ch’ae-ho was another historian whose major was to study Korean ancient history and created famous works such as Chosonsa yon’gu ch’o (A Study of Korean History) and Choson sang- gosa (Ancient Korean History). With a wise pen and serious attitude, he rebuilt the nation history picture, supplying to his readers true knowledge on Korean history. In 1934, Korean Academic Institute Chindan Hakhoe (Korean Academic Society) was founded by a group of scholars, who had studied in Japan. The Institute aimed to study and make known Korean history. Though constantly being censored by Japan, they completed some history study works, which were historically and culturally objective.
       Apart from history, Korean literature underwent many reforms during this period. It broke away from ties with novel form of the enlightenment period. Typical of this reform was Yi Kwang-su. In 1915, he wrote a short story, “To the Young friends,” in a near modern style. In the first half of decade 20, Korean literature explores romantic and emotional subjects, of which representatives were Kim Tong-in with his work Kamja (Potatoes), touching on hunger, greed and flesh instincts of human beings. Author Yom Sang-sop wrote famous Samdae (Three generations), with realistic content, telling about the real life of the society in which he was living.
In the later half of the decade 20, Korean literature was divided into two trends. The first trend called for cultural awareness with its excellent representative Ham Yong-un, who wrote well known Nim ui Ch’immuk (The Silence of Love), which attracted many attentions. The second trend was social awareness calling. This trend’s works were mostly produced by “New Trend School”.
       In 1937 when Japan was undertaking its invasion war in China, Japan began its assimilation policy in Korea and made it harder and harder. Japan declared that Korea was a part of Japan and cancelled Korean language and culture. Coming generations would have to learn the native Japanese people’s way of thinking, acting and speaking. This policy caused a crisis in Korean literature and hopeless desperation among Korean writers. Many literature trends, schools disappeared, merged into each other and not few writers had to write for Japan, serving its rule policy.

Chapter 3

Korea peninsula from 1945 until present time

3.1 Korea free from Japan’s yoke rule

       Along with promotion of its rule policy in Korea, Japan accelerated its new military adventures, pushing Japan to join the Second World War and finally, Japan had to bitterly admit its defeat and Korea was liberated.
      In July 1931, Japan annexed Manchuria in an event called Manchuria Incident. Then, Manchuria became a puppet kingdom under the rule of Japan. After Manchuria Incident, Japan continued to carry new strategic attacks. Clashes with China were unceasingly increasing and in July 1937, Japan exerted an invasion war against China.
       In Southeast Asia, Japan began to widen its influence scope, occupying French colonies in Indochina, and Thailand, threatening standing of Britain in Burma and Malaysia. While enlarging its scope, Japan began to raise its policy of “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere”, saying that Japan played an important role of liberating Asian nations from Western yoke. However, Japan’s rule policy in these nations was very harsh, exploiting more than Western nations had done. Therefore, in the national liberation movements of Asian nations, anti Japan movement was their crucial task in addition to their fighting against Western powers.
       In 1940, Japan made one more step, seeking to sign military coalition treaty with Germany and Italy, carrying the Second World War to redistribute the world market. In 1941, after being denied support from America, Japan waged war against America, attacking its military bases in Pearl Harbor, and Hawaii, causing great losses and toll for America. In 1942, Japan drove America from Philippines and then Britain from Hong Kong and Singapore. Many islands in Pacific area and America’s strategic military bases in Guam were also occupied by Japan. Japan’s power domination had no stop point during this period.
       However, the history wheel came to its turning point. In June 1942, Japanese navy forces were heavily defeated in a battle with America at Midway Island. After this defeat, Japan’s domination progress in Pacific Ocean was halted. In 1943, Japan’s strength weakened. Japan gradually lost its occupied islands and its arm forces were pushed back. At the same time, top fascist Mussolini was dismissed in Europe and Italy formally declared its yielding to the Allies. With these victories, in November 1943, the leaders of the United States, Great Britain and China gathered in Cairo, Egypt and unanimously agreed on a Common Declaration on war targets with Japan and a post war policy. When mentioning about Korea, the leaders of the three countries were determined to seek freedom and independence for Korea.
     It could be said that Cairo Declaration was not only important to these countries’ interest of distributing their influence scope in Pacific area and Far East Asia after Japan was defeated but a new chance for Korea’s peace and independence in future.
   
 In February 1945, when Germany was about to be defeated, leaders of three countries Russia, America and Britain had a meeting in Yalta to discuss international issues. The meeting confirmed that these countries’ war aimed to eradicate the militarism and fascism of German and Japan so that these nations would not destroy the international peace. In May 1945, Germany officially admitted its defeat, the war ended in Europe, ally nations and Russia swiftly directed their strategic war to focus on Japan’s empire in Asia. From July 7, 1945 to August 2, 1945, leaders of Russia, Britain and America continued to meet in Potsdam, Germany. On July 26, Potsdam conference appealed Japan to yield and defined principles in post war Japan solution. However, Japan responded by vowing to fight to the end, denying coalition allies and Russia’s proposals.
     On August 6 and 11, 1945, America dropped two nuclear bombs down to Hiroshima and Nagasaki. On August 9, Russia declared war against with Japan and within five days, Russia controlled the whole Northeast of Manchuria and North of Korea.
     On August 15, 1945, Japan admitted its defeat without conditions. The Second World War ended. Japan’s power domination in China and other countries in the Pacific Asia area left disastrous aftermath in Korea, especially during the last period of the war when Japan’s defeat came near, Japan exploited much more and tortured Korean people. When China- Japan war broke out in 1937, Korea became home yard of Japan’s war. When the war accelerated to its peak, Japan demanded more food and Korea became major rice supplier for Japan’s invasion war. From 1917 to 1938, Japan consumed ten time increase of Korean rice. Many other commodities such as food, metal tools were also robbed to serve the war. More and more Japanese soldiers were recruited and were seen everywhere. In 1941, there were 46,000 Japanese soldiers, and 59,000 in 1943, 68,000 in 1944 and 300,000 in 1945. From 1937, Japanese general Minami Jiro was assigned to be General Governor, who launched the policy of assimilating Korea. Since then, Korean education institutions had to teach in Japanese language. In 1910, all Korean language newspapers were suspended. In October 1942, most of members of Korean language association were arrested and put in prison under the pretext that they had illegally raised nationalist campaign to resist Japan. From that time, all meetings, and festivities in Korea had to start with a pledge to be loyal to the Japanese Emperor. In 1939, Japan’s assimilation policy became so ridiculous that Korean people had to change their Korean names into Japanese names.
       Japan began to use forced labor at mines, factories and war workshops. Thousands of Korean young girls were forced to serve Japanese soldiers [22]. According to statistics, in the end of the war, about 2,616,900 Korean people were forced to labor. In 1942, Korean young men had to register to join Japan’s army.
       The Second World War ended, Japan professed its defeat before Russia and allies without any condition. On August 15, 1945, Korea was liberated from Japan’s yoke rule. After nearly 40 years of living under the rule of Japan, Korean people were delightfully happy to receive their freedom and independence. They lived through three weeks in joy and merry, too deep to be described. However, their happiness turned into despair when their internal political disputes and Russia and America’s contradiction took place.

[22]. Nguyen Long Chau; Korean Culture Exploration; Education Publishing House, page 83.

3.2 Korea was divided into two halves and the foundation of the Republic of Korea

      Cairo Conference in 1943 ended with pledges of powers that Korea would become a free and independent nation. According to the resolution of Yalta conference in February 1945, Korea peninsula was temporarily divided into two halves at latitude 38, which functioned as a temporary boundary line. After Japan was defeated, Russia would parade into the North and America the South in reference to the assignment of allies.
In December 1945, a foreign minister conference of five nations Russia, Britain, America, France and China, held in Moscow, debated issue of post war Japan, Korea and China.
About Korea, the conference passed main rules as follows:
- Build an independent Korea, shape Korean Provisional Government to develop agriculture, industry, transport and general national culture and liquidate aftermath of Japan’s yoke as soon as possible.
-  Set up a Unified Committee, composing Russia and America’s General Departments in Korea. The committee would seek opinions of democratic parties and organizations to work out proposal for Korea’s issues.
-  Out Korea peninsula under support of allies for five years, which aimed to encourage and help advances in economy, politics, society and develop democratic self determination and establish Korea’s national independence.
      However, these decisions were not realizes correctly as defined due to view differences of Russia and America in solving the issues. Especially, the founding of a common government met so many obstacles and came to a halt. Therefore, Russia and America’s disagreement caused critical impacts unification of two halves of Korea at that time. Finally, United Nations decided to establish a provisional committee to organize election in Korea, including representatives of Australia, Canada, China, France, India, Philippines, Salvador, and Syria. The committee’s responsibility was to set conditions for a government to be founded for the whole Korea after general election, make sure that the period of observation ended and withdraw foreign troops out of Korea. After that, the situation was not as expected, primary targets of the United Nations’ Provisional Committee about Korea’s issues were removed.
      Meanwhile, Korea’s internal political situation underwent complicated turbulent moves, the rivalry between democratic nationalists and communists went tense. In that circumstance, many domestic parties began to present themselves.
Nationalists were patient waiting for exile Provisional Government’s leaders abroad. In the contrast, communists were looking to establish a socialist country, which was their opinion when they were members of the Provisional Government and now it emerged again. On August 9, 1945, after declaring war, Russia’s troops were present in North of Korea, entering Pyongyang and Ham Hung and other big cities. One month later, on September 9, American troops landed in Inchon, marching to Seoul and then entering the other provinces.
      During this time, in the South of Korea, America set up an observation policy to manage affairs. At first, the political situation of the South was rather complicated. The main reason was that America possibly did not have sufficient real knowledge on Korean situation; therefore America did not meet desires of Korean people. In that complex situation, many political parties appeared such as Korean Democratic Party (Han guk Min –judang) led by Song Chin-u; Nationalist Party (Kungmindang) led by An Chae-hong; Korean Communist Party (Choson Kongsandang) of Pak Hon-yong. Many parties made Korean politics more complex and it was difficult to seek unification. Key figures such as Yi Sung-man and Kim Ku, who were exiles in America and China, were also impotent to work out the crisis. In addition, Korea peninsula during the period was not only complicated in politics but also in economy. Japan’s economy in Korea had mainly served Japan’s invasion war; therefore Korea’s economy was weaker and weaker.
       Economic distribution was not level between the two regions of Korea. Heavy industry locates in the North while light industry and agriculture were focused in the South. After Japan succumbed, Japan’s currency circulated in Korea underwent serious inflation, causing more difficulties for Korean residents, who were deeper and deeper in debt. After the observation policy was declared, political parties and the people were determined to reject the policy. Because after many years living under Japan’s colonial rule, Korean people now did not wish to have any interference of any country though that country’ s policy might be better than the previous one. To express the people’s outrage, “in Seoul, shops and companies closed up, many demonstrations took place in streets, and American army personnel also joined the demonstration. Demonstrations then spread throughout the whole country [23].  
      However, on January 2, 1946, Korean communists accepted the observation policy. In the South, leftist nationalists also agreed with that opinion and said that an election and parliamentary nomination had to be carried out in the whole country. Meanwhile, rightist figures in the Provisional Government opened a conference to set up a self determined government to prevent the observation policy. Outside Korea, Russia and America talks to apply observation policy was undertaken in the beginning of 1946. During the negotiation, Russia confirmed that political parties against the observation policy in Korea would be removed from the Provisional Government. America held opposite view and the talks between Russia and America brought about no result. Meanwhile, the tumult situation continued to take place in South Korea.
      With the agreement of Yi Sung- man, United Nation’s Provisional Committee about Korea decided to organize a general election for an alone parliamentary in the South on May 10, 1948. Many politicians in Korea strongly rejected the event, because they considered an alone parliamentary election would lead to long lasting division of the two regions. However, despite public denial, a legislature committee was established. Then, a constitution draft was approved, called Democratic Constitution, on July 20, 1948 and on August 15, 1948, the Republic of Korea (Korea in short) was formally founded. Yi Sung-man, who won a majority of votes, built a government and became the first president of the Republic of Korea. Capital of Choson dynasty, was renamed Seoul as chosen as new capital. On August 18, 1948, the Republic of Korea was introduced and was admitted by America and another 50 countries.
       Meanwhile, in the North, under the observation of Russia, a Provisional People Committee of five provinces was shaped. Cho Man-sik was the first person to head the committee. After that, Kim Il- sung replaced Cho Man Sik to be the committee’s chairman.

[23]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for  the Harvard-Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages:376.
      In March 1946, the Provisional People Committee, the supreme organization of North Korea, issued Land Reform Law, and in August 1946, were promulgated Nationalization Law of Industry, Banking, Transport and Post. Land reform in North Korea cleared away all land possession forms of monarchy. About 724,600 families were distributed 1.325 million hectares of land, reclaimed mainly from Japan Empire.
       In August 1946, Korea Communism Party unified with New People Party into Korea Labor party, relying on principles of Karl Max and Lenin’s theory. The people assembly and the people committee of North Korea were founded in February 1947. In February 1948, North Korea’s army was formally founded.
      One of the most important tasks of the Provisional People Committee was to draft the constitution. The people assembly of the whole Korea was elected in August 1948, including 300 representatives from South Korea and 212 from North Korea [24]. On September 9, 1948, the people assembly of the whole Korea declared to found the Democratic Republic of Korean People and set up a government with Kim Il-sung as its prime minister. The constitution of the Democratic Republic of Korean People also set that Seoul was capital but assigned P’yongyang to be its provisional capital. Since then, North and South of Korea followed two different routes with the 38th parallel becoming the boundary line between the two regions until now.

3.3	The civil war of North and South Korea

       After the two regions of Korea founded their own governments, with their opposite perspectives and power institutions, each side insisted that the whole peninsula should be its own nation. Then, on the cutting line occurred clashes and on June 25, 1950, the civil war between North and South of Korea took place. At first, troops of North Korea passed latitude No 38 and marched into Seoul capital. The capital of Seoul soon belonged to North Korea’s army control. Because of being weaker, the Republic of Korea’s army had to withdraw along Naktong River down to Pusan in the East of the country. The Republic of Korea called for support from the United Nations and the UN immediately sent troops under command of American general Douglas Mac Arthur to cooperate in fighting back the North Korea’s troops. The UN force was composed from troops of 16 countries, among which were American, British, Canadian, Philippines soldiers...
      In September 1950, the North Korea’s troops controlled nearly 96% of territory of the Republic of Korea. But after that, with support of the UN forces, the Republic of Korea’s army soon fought back and won back the capital of Seoul on September 28, 1950. On September 30, 1950, the UN force and the Republic of Korea’s army paraded to the North, crossing latitude No 38, occupying Pyongyang and many other cities and reaching bank of river Yalu. The democratic Republic of Korean People called fro support from China. With the assistance of Chinese voluntary troops, the North Korea’s troops reoccupied Seoul on January 4, 1951. After that, the UN force and South Korea’s force won back Seoul on March 12. At this point the Russians called for truce negotiations, which finally began at Kaesong in July of 1951 and then were transferred to P’anmunjom in November of the same year.

[24]. Nguyen Long Chau; Korean Culture Exploration; Education Publishing House, page 87.
        
 Finally on July 27, 1953, the cease fire treaty was signed, which set that latitude No 38 was the provisional military line between the South and North of Koreas. The civil war ended. The civil war of South and North Korea was a severe war between people of the same race and language, leaving regretful aftermath for both the regions.

3.4 Korea peninsula after the war

      As said above, the civil war between the two regions of Korea left serious wounds. The Democratic Republic of Korea had no correct statistical number of human toll but its physical loss was very dramatic with 8,700 factories, 20 million square meters of accommodation, 5,000 schools, 1,000 hospitals and thousands of irrigation works to be destroyed. Electricity industry fell to one fourth compared with pre- war time, chemical industry down to one fifth, fuel and metal industry to one tenth. In rural areas, 400,000 hectares of cultivation land was destroyed or abandoned.
       After the war ended, Korea Labor Party led the North Korea’s people to restore and build the social economy, directing the North to follow socialism. The Sixth Central Assembly of the Party in August 1953 set the economy strategy to: put priority on heavy industry development and simultaneously develop light industry and agriculture. From 1950, labor unions, and social organizations were founded. After the war, these organizations continued their tasks of building and developing society and economy.
       Politically, the Democratic Republic of Korea followed public democracy constitution [25]. Administration zones included nine provinces and three cities: Chagang, North Hamgyong, South Hamgyong, North Hwanghae, South Hwanghae, North Pyongyang, South Pyongyang, Pyongyang City and Yanggang. North Korea’s constitution was passed in 1948, revised several times in 1972, 1992 and 1998. The state head was the chairman of National Defense Committee. Prime minister was leader of the government. The parliament was the supreme constitution body, with five year term upon public general election. The justice body was system of courts, of which the Central Court held the supreme justice authority. Court judges were chosen by the Parliament. Current political parties are Korea Workers Party (KWP), Social Democratic Party and Chondoist Chongu Party.
       Economically and socially, the Democratic Republic of Korean people had a planning economy. Agricultural land belonged to collective farms. The government controlled industries under the state possession form. Heavy industry was interested the most, especially national defense industry. From April 1954, the seventh Supreme People Assembly of the Democratic Republic of Korea ratified the three year plan to restore and develop the national economy (1954- 1956). The plan was fulfilled before its deadline. In the end of 1956, the industry output increased by 2.8 times compared with 1953, agricultural output increased by 8% compared with 1949.

[25]. Doan Manh Giao, Tran Dinh Nghiem; Countries and territories in the world before the threshold of century XXI, general information from National Politics Publishing House, Hanoi 2001, p. 673.

       The socialist economy’s reform was basically completed this time. In the end of the three year plan, the Democratic Republic of Korea fundamentally completed its reconstruction of private economy sector in direction of socialism. By 1955, the socialist economy sector in manufacturing and trading industry accounted for 98% of national economy.
       About agriculture, in 1955, up to 81% of farmer households participated in collective farming. From 1957, North Korea people began to carry their first five year plan (1957- 1961). The main task of the plan was to enhance the material foundation of socialism and solve basically people’s food, accommodation needs. Statistics shows that industry in 1957 increased by 44% over 1956, and 37% in 1958 over 1957. In 1958, the industry ratio in the industry and agriculture output reached 65%. Agriculture scored many achievements. In August 1958, North Korea completed its collective farm implementation. The whole grain output in 1957 reached 3.2 million tons, and 3.7 million in 1958 and basically solved food problem.
       From 1971 to 1976, Korea Labor Party outlined a plan to develop economy and society for six years and the Party’s report stated that the plan was achieved one year and four months before the deadline. The plan aimed to improve and develop socialism industry, bringing technique and sciences to a new level, building material foundation for socialism. In 1976, industry output increased by 2.5 times compared with 1970. In 1975, electricity output achieved 28 billion kW/h. Five million tons of coal was achieved before the deadline. In 1976, steel output reached four million tons. On the other hand, agricultural management and irrigation were improved. North Korea built 117 new reservoirs, making areas to be watered up to 40,000 chongbo (one chongbo equivalent to 0.99 hectare). North Korea’s agriculture applied machine usage and sciences. In the end of 1976, it produced over eight million tons of food, improving the people’s life.
        In October 1980, Korea Labor Party held its sixth Assembly, attempting to continue the building technical and material foundation for socialism. After assessing achievements scored through three revolutions of perspective, technique and culture, Kim Il-sung’s political report clarified to build society following the mainstream perspective, saying that it was the basic task of the Democratic Republic of Korean People.
       Though at this time, international development circumstance affected Korea’s social and economic construction, North Korea’s people exerted efforts to overcome difficulties, promoting their economic and social construction and development. North Korea’s GDP in 1990 hit 3.7% and 5.2% in 1991. The GDP per head in 1991 reached USD 1,038.
       In fields of culture, education, the Democratic Republic of Korean People built its education and culture in direction of socialism. In 1949, the illiteracy was basically removed. In 1956, the Democratic Republic of Korean People began primary school covering and in November 1958, it implemented compulsory seven year education obligation. In 1975, North Korea implemented compulsory education for 11 years. Many education welfare works were constructed. In 1990, 99% of North Korean people were literate. In the Democratic Republic of Korean People, currently there are over 200 universities and colleges and over 4,000 high schools and nearly 5,000 primary schools.

 The ten year education is compulsory and free of tuition [26]. University entry examinations all required good quality candidates. In 1999, GDP was USD 22.6 billion [counting on PPP (purchase power price)]. GDP increase rate was 1% and GDP per head was USD 1,000 [counting on PPP (purchase power price)].
      About South Korea, the war also left bad outcomes. According to statistics, 150,000 people were killed, 200,000 missing and 250,000 wounded. Financial loss was about three billion dollars (of price level in 1953). About 43% of manufacturing facilities, 41% of electrical generating capacity, and 50% of the coal mines in South Korea were destroyed or damaged [27]. Seoul City was only ruined debris after many times of being occupied and won over and so were other cities in South Korea. But the most ruined was the dream for unification of Korean people. Korea peninsula was not only cut into two regions but also subject of the international Cold War.

3.5 Democratic revolution in April 1960

       The democratic revolution broke out in South Korea on April 25, 1960 was in reality a campaign of students and people against the dictatorship. In 1952, when the nation was in war, Yi Sung-man publicly pressed the parliament to follow his intention with the reason that the indirect election system should be ended. To realize his intention, Yi Sung-man arrested some key senior parliament members who held opposite opinions. With the parliament’s approval, Yi Sung-man won presidency election with 72% of votes. In May 1954, the Freedom Party of Yi Sung-man continued to win majority of seats in the parliament. To seize presidency for long, Yi Sung-man required the parliament to amend the constitution to remove the article which stated that no president held more than two terms. The new article set that a president could be on his seat for ever.
       In 1956, in the third president election, Yi Sung-man won but with much lesser votes, which proved that Yi Sung- man was not supported and his government began its crisis. With 56% of votes and no competitor (because his rival died suddenly ten days before the Election Day), Yi Sung-man faced continuous demonstrations in Seoul and many other places. To pressure opponents, Yi Sung-man accused the opposite party and ordered to arrest a number of people. Also in the third election, a candidate for vice presidency, member of Freedom Party and nominated by Yi Sung-man was defeated by Dr, John Chang a Christian who graduated in America.

[26]. Doan Manh Giao, Tran Dinh Nghiem, Countries and territories in the world before the threshold of century XXI, general information from National Politics Publishing House, Hanoi 2001, p. 675
[27]. A New History of Korea; Ki baik Lee;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for the Harvard- Yenching institute by Harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984, pages: 380-381.

      In his presidency term, Yi Sung-man made his government a dictator, corrupted and notorious, losing reputation before the people. As a result, in the parliament election in 1958, the number of seats of the opposite Democratic Party accounted for most of places in the Lower House, which prevented Freedom Party’s intention to ratify draft to revise the constitution. In that circumstance, Freedom Party strengthened its power by revising the national security and local order protection law and used special policemen to arrest leaders of opposite parties. Then, the assembly of the parliament went easy with participants mostly from members of Freedom Party and the draft for constitution amendment was soon approved. In the beginning of 1959, Yi Sung-man’s government pit into prison many members of Democratic Party and closed many newspapers for publicly criticizing the government’s policy.
        In March 1960, when the Election Day came near, the tension between the government and the opposite party climbed to its peak. Like the previous election, Yi Sung-man had luck when Dr. P.O.Chough, candidate of presidency of the opposite party suddenly died one month before the Election Day because of a heart attack. The presidency certainly belonged to Yi Sung-man. The problem was the vice president seat. The election took place in terrorism atmosphere. Yi Sung-man’s government and his Freedom Party deployed a police force and special official troop to apply any measure to be re-elected. Finally, the vice presidency belonged to K.P.Lee, nominee appointed by Yi Sung man’s Freedom Party. 
       The election ended with absolute triumph of the Freedom Party. Immediately after that, the Democratic Party strongly rejected the “fake election” and demanded that the election results be removed. One week after that, many bloody riots broke out in Seoul and many other cities, notable was the vast demonstration of students from universities who gathered at the compound of the National Medical University. The students issued a petition demanding the government compensate for tools of students who were killed in demonstrations. Then university lecturers also demonstrated on April 25 at night in front of the Parliament House. The demonstration swiftly attracted many people and students. Yi Sung-man dispatched army troops to repress the demonstrations. However, the troops did not succeed. Moreover, many soldiers of the troops joined with demonstrators. Before press of the people, on April 27, Yi Sung-man had to resign and vice president Lee committed suicide. Therefore, after 12 years of staying at the presidency, Yi Sung-man and his dictator government collapsed due to powerful students and people of South Korea. He had to accept a bitter life of an exile at the age of 85.
        The revolution in April 1960 was the first democracy revolution in Korea’s history. In the revolution, intellectuals played the pioneers’ role, who led the campaign demanding freedom right and democracy, fighting oppression. The success of the revolution proved the solidarity strength of the people challenging a dictator government with its ambition of power though it was corrupted and rotten, it still clung to power. The success of the revolution showed that South Korea people’s desires for democracy, and independence were right and fit the history circumstance at that time and forecast that it would develop in South Korea’s society in the coming history phases.

3.6 Establishment of republic

        After the collapse of Yi Sung-man’s government, a new government was set up under the leadership of foreign minister Huh Chung. The new government’s task was to prepare for election and carry some reforms to maintain social orders and hear cases of social order violations. Many key figures in Yi Sung man’s government had to resign.
       The provisional government also issued a new constitution, which was approved on June 15, 1960. The new constitution changed the presidency into parliament institution, meaning that President had power in name only. On June 20, 1960, a new election took place and the Democratic Party won most of seats of the parliament.  Jang Myeon became prime minister and Yun Po-sun was appointed to be President. The new government’s foreign policy called for a general election in South and North, establishing a new political institution for the whole Korea peninsula under the supervision of the UN. The government also demanded Japan to compensate USD 800 million to pay for workers who were forced to serve Japan and whose possession was appropriated in the end of the Second World War. Prime Minister Jang’s government also faced many terrible obstacles in society and economy such as corruption and low salary, lack of food and increasing population. Moreover, according to the new constitution, Prime Minister Jang did not have necessary constitutional rights to solve the economic crisis which had never occurred in a nation in peace time. Therefore, many bad social phenomena took place without being punished such as speculation and tax dodging. Business and technique stagnation, and unemployment of millions of people had no solution. A Prime Minister of limited powers and a divided parliament caused the new government to collapse after nine months of existence, giving way for a new government.
        On May 16, 1961, General Chang Do young, chief commander of infantry carried a military coup to detain Prime Minister Chang and his cabinet and established a new organization- Nation Restoration Supreme Committee. To manage the nation, the Committee launched an action program, vowing to put an end to corruption, enhance economic development and improve diplomatic relation with America.
        However, nearly one week later, two Star General Pak Chung-hee dethroned general Chang Do young and pushed general Song Yu- chan to be Prime Minister. After seizing power, General Pak Chung-hee carried necessary measures, eradicating corruption, eliminating speculation and redundancy. As a result, in October 1961, black markets in Korea were cleared away. The government ordered to arrest 20,000 people for violation the laws. However, the government then loosened its restrains on discotheques, night bars, which were allowed to resume their activities. And most of arrested people were then released. In March 1962, president Yun Po-sun resigned, General Pak Chung-hee came to be President and Prime Minister.
        At first, Pak’s government did not get approval of many people. But the economy and society began to have some development and South Korea was in peace. Pak’s government pursued to be at peace with Japan and implement pro- America policy in order to win military and economic support.
         In the end of 1962, under the pressure of America, Pak Chung-hee prepared a plan to reestablish the civil authority. A referendum revealed that 85% of voters accepted the new constitution of the President. The president term would be four years and could only be dismissed by the Parliament. In 1963, through the presidency election, Pak Chung-hee won presidency and set up a new government.
        Though Pak’s government had many obstacles in its beginning, it made Korea develop fast, especially its economy through its third and fourth republics. GDP increased annually by an average 10% all the decade 70s. However, to remain economic growth and ensure national security, and build a strong and stable government, Pak’s government broke away from democracy by setting up a new mechanism to lay the pavement for long monopoly.
       Because Pak’s government had many difference with the people’s viewpoints, it faced so many resistances and consequently, Pak Chung-hee was assassinated by Korea Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) in October 1979, which led to the collapse of his government. After Pak Chung-hee was cleared, Prime Minister at that time, Choi Kyu-hah, became President and continued to follow the former president. However, Choi did not have power for long because he was replaced by two star general Chun Doo-hwan and the fifth republic of South Korea was established. After announcing the constitution and carrying seven year presidency term, the indirect election chose Chun Doo-hwan to be new President. Chun Doo-hwan implemented social reforms to build a society dominated with righteous thought. In economy, under the management of the government, Korean economy developed quickly and achieved surplus in international payment scale.
       Though South Korea’s economy developed clearly with improvement in people’s life, the brutal oppression of democracy demonstration in Kwangju in May 1980 and his dictatorship rule confronted utmost resistance of people. 
       However, in Chun Doo-hwan’s time, intellectual level of South Korea’s people was raised high clearly with primary and high school students ascending from 802,000 in 1960 to 4.169 million in 1980, increasing by five times within 20 years. The number of university students increased dramatically from 101,000 in 1960 to 602,000 in 1980 and one million in the next decade, increasing by ten times in 30 years. The number had never been true in South Korea’s history as well as in many other countries [28]. Moreover, because many Korean people earned an average of over US$3,000, they were aware that they had been freed from hunger and poverty and they should learn more. Because of concentration on education development, a part of common South Korean people joined the intellectual middle class with values of traditional middle class [29].
        The success of economy, culture and education caused the political environment and need of freedom rights of people to change. Chun Doo-hwan’s government could not meet the demand of people and consequently on June 29, 1987, a direct presidency election was held. The winner was Roh Tae-woo, who then won merely 36% of votes. It was a power transfer in peace that South Korea had after many presidential terms.
        The period of Roh Tae-woo was a transmission from dictatorship to democracy with five year president terms defined by the constitution through direct election. With policy of national self respect, suitable democracy, balanced development, Roh’s government led South Korea to development.

[28]. Nguyen Long Chau; Korean Culture Exploration; Education Publishing House, page 206, 207.
[29]. Nguyen Long Chau; Korean Culture Exploration; Education Publishing House, page 207.
	         The unification of three political parties into a unique party with majority of seats in the parliament in a common target of pushing the country to democracy was a big success of South Korea’s politics at that time. With “Northward foreign policy”, South Korea set up many diplomatic links with socialist nations, among which were Russia and China. In 1988, Korea hosted the 24th Olympic contest, which was counted as the most successful compared with preceding Olympia contests in the number and rate of nation participants, which confirmed status of South Korea in the international community.
 
3.7 Era of civil governments

        In 1992, a new election in South Korea took place in a totally free and fair spirit. Winner candidate was Kim Young-sam, the first civil president 32 years after South Korea issued its constitution in 1960. On February 25, 1993, President Kim declared in his ceremony of pledges that he would carry reforms to build a new South Korea state. At first, the government amended laws, empowered reforms in military industry and other authorities. The government vowed to end interference of army and press in politics. In order to build a new South Korea nation, the government set out four main targets: to purify the government, build a clean economy, a developed society and unify the country in peace. To the target of building a clean government, the government considered that it was important for officials to register and list their private possession in order to prevent illegal earning. To encourage people to participate in democratization, the government set out three political law drafts for the parliament approve in 1994: Law of state official’s public recruitment and irregular assignment prevention; Law of political donation and Law of local municipality. In an interview with Korea Havald newspaper, President Kim Young-sam confirmed that the civil government did not receive political contribution fund, all military and other authorities had to be reformed. The government ratified a decree on financial and real estate transaction in real names, pursued anti corruption policy and renovated education. All these measures soon changed South Korea’s society fundamentally. In economy field, the government released a healthy economy policy, a self adjusting economy and fair competition. Private innovation and creativity to restore the economy were encouraged.
         To develop economy, the government played as a key coordinator of capital, sources and input for prioritized industries. When the economy developed to a high level, its structure became complicated and political life got more democratic, this strategy would no longer be suitable. The new economy’s main thought was to replace leadership and control of the government with voluntary participation of manufacturing and trading sectors, a propelling force to promote economy. To encourage participation and creativity of trading sectors, two essential conditions were in need: no control on manufacturing and trading sectors and fair treatment of the relation between serving and rewarding. 
        To solve the issue, the new economy focused on comprehensive reforms of fiscal, financial and administrative issues. Fiscal reform was to increase the role of the national budget, maintain the stability and build a fair tax policy. Financial reform was to empower competitiveness and effectiveness of Korea’s financial institutions by handling self decision rights to them. Administrative reform was also to renovate the government’s activities, removing unnecessary regulations and changing unreasonable rules. After the reform shifted to a new phase, in November 1994, President Kim young Sam issued “Seoul Declaration”, in which he called to “globalize all fields of South Korea such as politics, economy, education, law and press...He said that globalization was aimed to heighten South Korea’s standard to be equal to that of advanced countries in the world in every field.” 
      As a result, in the era of President’s Kim Young-sam, his government pushed Korea to develop strongly and stably in economy, politics, and society. According to statistics, GDP per capita of South Korea in 1993 reached US$7,720; in 1994 hit US$8,450; and in 1995 US$9,700. In 1996, export revenue of South Korea touched US$300 billion and GDP US$520 billion in 1996. In view of national unification, Kim young Sam’s government relied on basic principles as follows:
1.	Independence: The unification has to be achieved upon ability and desire of Korean people.
2.	Peace: Unification cause is to be made through peace way. No weapon and armed defeat is acceptable.
3.	Democracy: Unification must rely on freedom and self decision rights of all Korean people.
In reference to these principles, unification process was seen from three aspects:
	  Reconciliation and cooperation: The hostility and contradiction of the two regions for the last four decades would be replaced by reconciliation and cooperation. Mutual trust would be built through admitting each other’s system and exchanges and cooperation in many aspects would be promoted. Human issues would be put as priorities; especially torn families would be helped to be gathered.
	 Korean community: Once the peaceful co- existence and mutual prosperity are guaranteed, the two regions of Korea would unify in a unique social and economic community. The two regions’ relations should be considered a special relation of national unification, not nation with nation, in an effort to establish a mutual committee of the two regions.
	 A national country: This issue would be completed with the unification of South and North of Korea. During this phase, South and North of Korea must carry out political unification through setting up a unified state constitution body, depending on democratic principle. Then a unified state for a unified nation would be set up.
Therefore, the unification way of Kim Young-sam’s government seemed to be suitable with international trends after the Cold War shifted from confrontation to conversation. However, during all his presidency term, his unification policy did not change much the cooperation relation between South and North of Korea. Though a treaty between North and South Korea was signed in 1992 and a Frame Treaty of Nuclear between America and the Democratic Republic of Korean People was signed in 1996, but two regions’ relation was still had no change.
        About diplomatic relations, by April 1993, South Korea had relations with 171 nations, including 98 embassies and 38 counsellor’s offices, four envoys, and joining into 52 international organizations of which 16 were of UN.
       On December 8, 1997, Kim Dae-jung, a member of opposite party with President Kim Young-sam won the presidency term 1998- 2003. Kim Dae-jung’s victory was commented as a victory of “Korean democracy” by Korean press.
        However, the most challenge to his government was the Asian financial crisis, which was of great impact on South Korea, bringing South Korea from 12th to 17th rank in the world. The government had to obtain a loan of US$ 58 billion from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to recover its economy.
        To recover and develop its economy and society, President Kim Dae-jung stated 100 tasks of priorities, classifying in four types, of which 40 tasks were economically specialized and the other 60 were of national unification, diplomatic relations, politics, culture and society.
         About economy task, the new government especially appreciated a conference on investment and commerce strategy to be chaired by the President.
      To stabilize prices, the government said that it was necessary to boost competition and improve distribution mechanism. Technology and technique industry should be enhanced and traditional industries should be encouraged so that many products of worth would be created for society. On the other hand, big enterprises should have their structure reformed and state enterprise management should be reformed via privatization and competition stimulus. When discussing task of agriculture, forestry and fishing development, the government pressed improvement of distribution system of agricultural products. Agriculture, forestry and fishing institutions would be readjusted and narrowed. Agriculture support policy would be unified in order to improve effectiveness of budget management. Farmers and fishermen would have more welfare, including reduction in their duties and taxes.
       About national unification, Kim Tae-jung’s government expected that if South Korea carried friendly relation with North Korea in the peace era, within 10 years, the first step of national unification would come true.
        Kim Tae-jung’s government called the relation policy with the Democratic Republic of Korea “Sunshine Policy”, which aimed to express South Korea’s goodwill of unification, and cooperation so that North Korea would agree to seat for negotiation, facilitating conditions for North Korea to develop. However, to achieve these targets, relation with North Korea had to rely on these three following principles:
1.	South Korea would not accept any form of armed confrontation from North Korea.
2.	South Korea would not seek to destroy and merge into North Korea.
3.	South Korea would seek actively a unification and cooperation between South and North Korea.
It can be seen that, “Sunshine policy” of Kim Tae-jung’s government was not general in meaning but specific in its particular tasks:
1.	Lay ground for improvement of South and North relation upon the Fundamental Agreement signed in December 1991.
2.	Improve economic cooperation of South and North Korea upon principle that politics is cut from economy.
3.	Boost cultural, social cooperation and exchanges to restore national integrity.
4.	Help torn families to gather, allow letter exchange as soon as possible.
5.	Build peace background for Korea peninsula.
6.	Carry well project of nuclear factory for North Korea.
7.	Improve unification upon national integrity and shared assistance.
About external policy, the government put specific tasks of priority as follows:
1.	Set up friendly and future oriented relations with four neighbor countries (China, Russia, America, and Japan).
2.	Improve effectiveness in diplomatic exchange.
3.	Widen diplomatic scope to challenge globalization...
      In short, from a country of poverty, backwardness, and stagnation, and prolonged Japanese rule, South Korea underwent decades of development and became a “dragon” of Asia. Though Asia’s economic crisis in 1997 and 1998 caused bad impact on Korea’s economy, by December 1998, its economy began to recover. Its GNP in 1999 reached US$ 625.7 billion, increasing at rate of 10% and GDP per capital hit US$13,300. Export revenue touched US$133 billion and import US$119 billion.

3.8 South and North Korea with prospect of peace, reconciliation, cooperation and unification.

       In the 90s, the Cold War ended, the international chess board changed from confrontation to conversation. In new world trend, Korea peninsula gradually opened a new prospect of peace, reconciliation, cooperation and unification after many decades of confrontation.
       After many decades, South Korea achieved “great deed on Han river”, achieving greatly in economy, politics, culture and society. The sixth Republic of President Roh Tae-woo (1988- 1992) was made many distinguishable changes from militant to civil state. Especially in July 7, 1988, President Roh Tae-woo declared a six point announcement to cease confrontation with North Korea 35 years after the civil war ended. The announcement had main points as follows:
1.	Promote exchanges of South and North.
2.	Open free entry for Korean people and gather torn families.
3.	Open South and North trade.
4.	Not condemn North Korea’s non-military exchange and cooperation with countries.
5.	Normalize relations between the two regions, allow representatives of North and South to contact without being restrained.
6.	Support North Korea to cooperate with Japan and America.
        After the declaration of Roh, on September 8, 1988, President of the Democratic Republic of Korean People Kim Il-sung called for a summit conference of North and South at Pyongyang to seek a measure to unify the two regions and sign Non- Trespassing Agreement.
      Following these policies, the two regions of Korea had preliminary exchange meetings at ministerial level and then prime minister level. The summit between the two regions of Korea on December 11, 1990 was a historical meeting, opening a new page for conciliation and cooperation between the two regions. Prime minister of the Democratic of Republic of Korean People Yon Hyung-mook led a delegation of 90 people, crossing the border gate P’anmunjom to meet South Korean delegation led by Prime Minister Kang Young-hoon.
     The UN membership of the two Korean regions was a delicate issue in international affairs. However, the issue then was solved with nice manner, which satisfied the two regions. On September 17, 1991, the UN accepted the two regions to be members of the UN. Then, the two regions carried the fifth and sixth round of negotiation. Consequently, on December 13, 1991, the two regions formally signed Treaty of Reconciliation, non- invasion, and cooperation between the two regions, announcing a Shared Declaration on non- nuclear development on Korea peninsula. The Treaty carried great meaning, which marked new step in reconciliation and cooperation.
     In 1992, the two regions continued their seventh round of negotiation to prepare necessary procedures for the high level meeting of inter- Korea. During this time, a number of treaties were signed: on March 14, they signed Treaty on establishment of an Inter- Committee to control nuclear, on May 17, Treaty of establishment of inter- Committee of Military and Treaty of Contact Office for the two regions. The eighth and ninth rounds of negotiation took place in the same year and the two regions signed three treaties on reconciliation, and non violation, exchange and cooperation. Beside, the two sides signed Common Declarations on halting production and development of nuclear arms on the peninsula and holding inter level conferences to carry the above mentioned treaties.
     On February 25, 1993, in the ceremony of inauguration, President Kim Young-sam said that peace, reconciliation, cooperation and unification were a “progress to heal the national wound”. However, it seemed that President Kim Young-sam was not as lucky as his predecessor in solving unification issue. The two regions’ relation got frozen during his term.
      On March 12, 1993, the Democratic Republic of Korean People announced its decision to withdraw from “the Treaty of non production and development of nuclear weapons”. The act tensioned the two regions’ relation and shocked the international community. The two regions’ meeting in Geneva on October 15, 1993 did not bring about any agreement and the peninsula situation became tense and complicated with a looming risk of military war. America, Japan, Russia, China and the UN attempted diplomatic moves to calm down the heat.
      As a result, after many negotiations, the Democratic Republic of Korean People accepted to let delegation of IASA to inspect the radioactive laboratories in Yongbyon. Then, North Korea and America carried negotiation to reach an agreement on nuclear. To express its goodwill, North Korea took a new diplomatic step.
       On May 28, 1994, North Korea President Kim Il-sung said that he was willing to receive President Kim Young-sam in Pyongyang. However, the visit of President Kim did not come when President Kim Il-sung suddenly died. Korean people of nationalist spirit and goodwill were all regretful for a missed chance of unification and peace for the two regions.
       It was a delicate question that President Kim Young-sam did not send consolation to North Korea in the funeral of President Kim Il-sung. However, another important reason for the interrupted meetings of the two regions was that new North Korea President Kim Jong-il had to challenge many economic and social obstacles to save his state. As to him, South Korea President Kim Young-sam also faced political and economic problems. The Asian financial and economic crisis shook South Korean economy. Moreover, his fight against corruption was marred by his own son, who was involved in a very notorious corruption. His term ended with no nice image and his successor had so many difficulties.
       On February 25, 1998, Kim Tae-jung became President while the economy crisis weakened South Korea’s economy. Regardless these difficulties, South Korea’s economy quickly recovered and developed gradually.
      President Kim Tae-jung called North Korea to cooperate economically and introduced “Sunshine Policy” to encourage North Korea’s reform, economy opening, and exchange with South Korea, separating economy and politics. “Sunshine Policy” of South Korea opened up a new prospect for relation between the two regions of Korea. In the beginning of 2000, the two regions signed a Treaty on fishing in Korea waters, even in disputed areas. The information exchange for gathering torn and divided families in the previous wars had new progresses.
       The international situation in this time also influenced on the two regions. In February 2000, Russian foreign minister I.I. Va Nop visited and signed Friendship Neighbor Treaty with the Democratic Republic of Korea. In March 2000, Foreign Minister of North Korea Pak Nam Sun paid a friendly visit to China and Vietnam. However, it should be clear that Korean issue was not only the affair of the two regions but also of international community. Behind North Korea was China and Russia and similarly, behind South Korea was America and Japan. In fact, Korea was a strategic point on the chess board of international powers. As long as the four powers did not have a common voice, Korea problem would not make any move.
      In the beginning of April 2000, President of North Korea Kim Jong-il declared to receive South Korea’s President Kim Tae-jung to visit North Korea. The two sides soon reached an agreement and announced on April 10 that President Kim Tae-jung would visit P’yongyang from June 12 to 14, 2000. However, in the beginning of June, North Korea informed that due to technical reasons, the visit of President Kim would have to delay one day.
      From June 13 to 16, 2000, the meeting between the two highest leaders of the two regions went well. The two regions agreed to put on priority national unification and solidarity, respecting self decision principle that the people of the whole peninsula decided on their internal affairs. The summit meeting of the two regions released a common announcement of five points as follows:
1.	North and South agree to solve unification independently through efforts of Korean people, owners of the nation.
2.	To gain reunification, we agree on factors of South’s formula on Confederation and North’s formula on Federation. North and South agree to promote reunification in this direction.
3.	South and North agree to solve human issues, including exchange and visit of families with separated relatives on the occasion of National Liberation on August 15 and problem of communist prisoners who were sentenced in South.
4.	South and North agreed to mutually trust through improvement of balance national economy, cooperation and encouragement of cooperation and exchange in civil, cultural, sports, health care, environment and all other fields.
5.	South and North held talks between authorities to carry agreed terms in coming future.
       Therefore, the relation of South and North began a new phase. At the contest of Sydney 2000, for the first time, the two delegations of South and North Korea marched under a common flag of blue peace in the middle was Korean map. International and Korean community were very optimistic that the two regions would side with each other in the route leading to peace, reunification and reconciliation. However, in front of the two regions were so many difficulties and challenges. Because it was not only the issue of the two regions but also of international community, of which Russia, China, America and Japan were of great influence on Korean peninsula unification.

Some conclusion.

	         Korean has an old and traditional history. During the ancient period, the State of old Choson was appeared in Korea peninsula. Passing through some historical periods, Korea still maintained and preserved their own identities as well as history and culture. Under the Koguryo, Paekche, Silla states, Buddhism was patronage and developed. Then, Confucian is also widely propagated in the Korea peninsula and strongly developed in the later centuries. 
         It can seen that, in ancient and medieval period, beside these developments of socio-economics, politic, Korean culture was both continued, maintained and developed their identities, traditions and national character. These encouraged the Korean people’s struggle against foreign invasion. In contemporary and modern period, Korea has experienced some up and down of history. The Western powers’ invasion, which came to in Korea from the beginning of 19th century has change the course of Korean history. During the period, the Hungson Taewon’gun has formed some reform policies; especially the policy of non-cooperation with Western nations.
         However, after some reforms of Meiji re in 1868, Japan became one of the strongest powers in Asian and started to invade other countries. After the Treaty of Kanghwa, Japan approached every aspect of its relationship with Korea from the perspective of advancing its aims of political, military, and economic aggression. In 1894-1895, China- Japan war broke out, and victories belong to Japan. Similarly, in 1904-1905, Russia-Japan war, Japanese continued victory and after the 1905 Protectorate Treaty, Korea was colonized under Japan’s rule in 1910.

From 1910 to 1945, Japan was imposed fiendish policy to rule Korea peoples. Having made Korea its colony, Japan exercised its rule through a Government-General and all legislative, executive, and judicial powers reside in his hand alone. The rule of Japan was characterized by unmitigated repression of police system. In 1911, some 7749 military police, and 6222 regular police were deployed throughout the Korea peninsular. 

Under cruel rules of Japan, Korean peoples rise in arms against Japan. Symbolic was some operation of Korea’s righteous armies. In this time, activities of Political and Social organization also were formed, contributing greatly to raising the political and social consciousness of the educated class, especially in the cities. Symbol was the March First Movement with the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence formed by the thirty-
three representatives of the Korean people.

The Korean Declaration of independence proclaimed the overarching principles of the just right of a people to its own national existence and of the equality of all humankind, and it did not incite acts of vengeance against Japan’s harsh colonial rule. The solitary weapon of the March First Movement was this cry itself –“Long live Korean independence”. However, these peaceful demonstrations were savage suppress by military force. The report issued by the Japanese authorities themselves record 46,948 demonstrators arrested, 7,509 killed, and 15,961 injured…

After March First Movement, the Provisional Government immediately initiated a series of diplomatic moves by dispatching Kim Kyu-sil, a envoy plenipotentiary to the Paris Peace conference in May of 1919. This aims to plead the cause of independence, and send a representative to the International Socialist Party Congress, held in Switzerland in August of the same year, which then adopted a revolution calling for Korean independence.

In 1926, the Kwangju Student Movement was continually sparked. These demonstrations did not remain confined to Kwangju alone but by early the next year had spread across the country, involving194schools and some 54,000 students. It can see that, the disturbances arising out of the Kwangju Student Movement, then, constituted the largest nationalist demonstration to occur in Korea since the March First Movement of 1919.

In August 15, 1945, Korean had been liberated from thirty- six years under the tyrannical rule of Japanese imperialism. However, Peace and independence of Korean peoples did not long  and then, some differ in opinion middle parties, especially differ in opinion middle two powers’ s Russia and America should Korea peninsular was division into two country with two different politic. In South of Korea, in August 15, 1948, the Republic of Korea was established under the leadership of Syngman Rhee. Similar, in North of Korea, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea also was established. And then, in June 25 /1950, Korea war was official break out. The end, on July 27, 1953, an armistice agreement was reached between the U.S and Communist force. The bitter warface thus came to an end and 38 No parallel of latitude became frontier between North and South Korea.

In the 1990s, the Cold War ended, in new world trend, Korea peninsula gradually opened a new prospect of peace, reconciliation, cooperation and unification after many decades of confrontation. After many decades, South Korea achieved “great deed on Han river”, achieving greatly in economy, politics, culture and society. Especially in July 7, 1988, President Roh Tae-woo declared a six-point announcement to cease confrontation with North Korea 35 years after the civil war ended. After the declaration of Roh, on September 8, 1988, President of the Democratic Republic of Korean People Kim Il-sung called for a summit conference of North and South at Pyongyang to seek a measure to unify the two regions and sign Non- Trespassing Agreement.

Peace, reconciliation, cooperation and unification were continued development under leadership of President Kim Young-sam and President Kim Tae-jung. “Sunshine Policy” of Government of President Kim Tae-jung opened up a new prospect for relation between the two regions of Korea. However, it should be clear that Korean issue was not only the affair of the two regions but also of international community. In there, some as Russia, America, Japan and China were important the Countries with Korean issue.

Reference Data

Vietnamese Language

1)	Korea- History and Culture (translated from English version Korea history and culture); National Politic Publishing House, Hanoi 1995
2)	Nguyen Van Anh, Do Dinh Hang, Le Dinh Chinh; Korea History-  Culture (from the beginning to 1945), Culture Publishing House
3)	Nguyen Long Chau; Korean Culture Exploration, Education Publishing House, Education Publishing House, 2000
4)	Le Quang Thiem, Culture, Civilization and traditional factor of Korea, Literature Publishing House, Hanoi, 1998.
5)	Vietnam- Korea culture similarities (writings collection by the scientific conference “Issues of Korea and Vietnam culture”), held by Faculty of Literature Studies, College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hanoi in December 1995, Culture Publishing House, 1996.
6)	Korea Country and People, Center of Korean Overseas Information Services, published in 1998
7)	Doan Manh Giao, Tran Dinh Nghiem, states and territories  at the threshold of century XXI; Bulletin of Government Office, national Politic Publsihing House, Hanoi, 2001
8)	Hwang Gwi yeon, Trinh Cam Lan, Korean Culture Studies, hanoi National University Publishing House, 2002
9)	 Ten years of Korea education and study in Vietnam, reports collection of National Conference on the 10th anniversary of Vietnam- Korea diplomatic relation in Hanoi, December 6, 2002, Hanoi National University Publishing House, 2003
10)	 Vu Duong Ninh, Nguyen Van Hong, Overview of World Modern History, volume 2 (edition 2), Education Publishing House, 1997
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13)	 Ngo Xuan Binh, Duong Phu Hiep, south Korea on the threshold of century XXI (collection of writings in the science conference of Korea Study Committee), Centre of National Social Sciences and Humanity, Social Publishing House, 1998
14)	 South Korea “Miracle”, translator: Thuy Anh: Analysis Information Magazine, Edition No 8, Hanoi 1992
15)	 Kim Il sung’s reports on the 30th anniversary of North Korea establishment, People Daily, November 9, 1978
16)	 North Korea completed six year plan (1971- 1976) and launched seven year plan (1978- 1984) to develop the national economy.
 
17)	 South- North Korea released Common Announcement on national unification issues, People Daily August 5, 1973
18)	 Fifth assembly of Korea Labor party in November, 1970, Hong Ky magazine in December 1970 (Congratulation telegraph only)

English language

 19)  Han, Woo-keun; The History of Korea; Translated by Kyong-shik Lee, edited by     Grafton K. Mintz. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii 1971.	
20)   Henthorn, William E. a History of Korea.  New York: Free Press, 1971.    
21)   Hulbert, The History of Korean; New York: Hillary House publishers 1962.
22)   Hatada, Takashi, A History of Korea. Translated and edited by Warren W. Smith, Jr. and Benjamin H. Hazard. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio, 1969.
23)   Conroy, Hilary; the Japanese Seizure of Korea 1868 – 1910: A study of Realism and Idealism in international Relations. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960.          
24)   Paige, Glenn D; The Korean decision,   Jun 24 – 30, 1950; New York: Free Press 1968.
25)  Choe, Ching Young, The rule of the T’aewon gun, 1864-1873: Restoration in Yi Korea. Cambridge, Mass: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1972.
26)  Lee, Chong-sik, The Politics of Korean Nationalism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965. 
27)  Ki-baik Lee;  A New History of Korea;  Translated by Edward W. Wagner Published for the Harvard-Yenching Institute by Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 1984.
28)  Kim, Joungwon Alexander, Divided Korea: The politics of development 1945-1972. Cambridge, Mass: East Asian research Center, Harvard University, 1975. 
 29)  Kim, Chong Lim, ed., Political Participation in Korea: Democracy, Mobilization, and Stability. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio Press, 1980
30)  Cumings, Bruce, the Origins of the Korean War: Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945-47. Princeton University Press, 1981.  
31)  Suh, Dae-sook, Document of Korean Communism, 1945-1980: A Reference Guide To the political system. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 1981.      
32)  Soon Sung-cho; Korea in world politics; Berkeley University of   California press 1967.
33)  Han, Sungjoo, The failure of Democracy in South Korea. Berkelay: University of California Press 1974. 
34)  Henderson, Gregory, Korea: The politics of the Vortex. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University press, 1968.
35)  Allen, Richard C; Korea’s Syngman Rhee: an Unauthorized Portrait. Rutland, Vt :  Tuttle 1960.
36)  Ridgway M.B; the Korean War; New York Double day & Company Lnc. 1967.
37)  McCune, George M, Korea today, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1950.  
38) Park Chung-hee; Major speeches by Korea’s Park Chung-hee; Seoul, Hollym cooperation 1970.
39) Kyung Cho-chung; New Korea; New York, The Macmillan Company 1962.
40)  Reeve, W.D, the Republic of Korea: A Political and economic Study. London: Oxford University Press, 1963.    
41) Road to peaceful Korean unification; Seoul, Korean overseas Information Service 1973
42) A Short history of Korea; Tokyo, The centre for East Asian Cultural studies 1963.
43) Why war came in Korea; New York, Fordham University Press 1950.
44)  Kim, Chong Lim, ed., Political Participation in Korea: Democracy, Mobilization, and Stability. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio Press, 1980. 
45)  Oh, John Kie-chiang, Korea: Democracy on Trial, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1968.    

      
Index of the project:

This title of project: Korea Peninsula: Phases of Modern and Contemporary History Development. The project included three chapters follow:
Chapter 1: Korea peninsula from first years of century XIX to 1910.
This chapter was divided into eight small head of chapter. The content of this chapter was introduction some issues as the situation politic, economic, societies and foreign and domestic policy of the Choson state; the invasion of Western powers and reform policy of T’aewon gun 1864-1873.
Within chapter was also introduction interference of Japan and China in Korea; The appearance of the Tonghak propaganda and role this movement in Korean history; some feature about Japan- China war and Russian- Japan war; the establishment of the independence Club and protectorate Treaty(1905), Korea became colony of Japan (1910).
Similar, Chapter 2: The Korea from 1910 to 1945.
The content of this chapter included some feature issues follow on Japan’s rule mechanism in Korea; Japan’s exploitation of Korea economy; Japan’s education and religion policy; Korean people’s struggle movement against Japan; Movement on March the first 1919 and the appearance of Korea’ s provisional government; about progress of Korea’s national liberation movement.
The title of chapter 3 was Korea peninsula from 1945 until time. The content embraced some issues follow: Korea free from Jan’s yoke rule; the civil war of North and South Korea; Korea peninsula after the war; democratic revolution in April 1960; Establishment of republics and Era of civil governments. 

   

  

Explanatory Note to the Index- Glossary

	The primary purpose of this Index- Glossary is to provide reference to the people, places, and events in Korea history. To convenient look through, all glossaries would use main English language and Vietnamese language. Alphabetization would be main method of index. 
A
America  N­íc Mü; 3; 4; 5 ; 8; 14; 16;17; 23; 25; 34; 35; 36; 37; 38 39; 40; 42; 47; 48; 50; 51
American President Theodore Roosevelt (1858- 1919) Tæng thèng Mü Ru d¬ ven; 17; 
Amnok river    s«ng ¸p Lôc; 21
An Chae-hong    An T¹i Hång; 38
Andong Kim    thÞ téc Kim ë An §«ng; 3
Arthur port    c¶ng L÷ ThuËn; 16
Asan Bay     VÞnh Nha S¬n Loan; 12
Association of Buddhist follower unions      Liªn hiÖp c¸c PhËt tö; 23
Australia     ¤ttralia; 37
Austro-Hungarian Empire   ®Õ quèc ¸o- Hung; 26;
B	
Baltic   H¹m ®éi Ban TÝch cña Nga; 17
Britain     N­íc Anh;  3; 6; 8; 9; 14; 16;17; 25; 36; 37; 40;
Britain- Japan Security Treaty   HiÖp ­íc An ninh Anh – NhËt; 16
Buddhism Häc thuyÕt PhËt gi¸o; 23; 26;
Buddhist Youth Association Héi Thanh niªn PhËt gi¸o; 23 
Buddhist Campaign Association Héi vËn ®éng PhËt gi¸o; 23
Bulletin of the Independence Club of Great Choson    §¹i TriÒu Tiªn §éc LËp HiÖp Héi Héi B¸o; 15
Burma    MiÕn §iÖn; 35
C
Cadet Officers   ThiÕu sinh qu©n; 7
Cairo Declaration    Tuyªn Ng«n Cairo; 36
Canada    Ca Na da;   37; 40
Changoyong (Capital Guards Garrison)   Tr¸ng ngù doanh; 7
Chang Tso-lin       Tr­¬ng T¸c L©m;   33
Charity Association of female Buddhists    Héi Tõ thiÖn cña c¸c n÷ tÝn chñ; 23
Cheju      ®¶o Cheju cña Hµn Quèc; 3
Chemup’o Treaty   HiÖp ­íc TÕ VËt Phè; 8
China   Trung Quèc; 7; 9;10; 13; 15; 20; 25; 35; 36; 37; 40; 46; 48; 50; 51
Chinese    ng­êi Trung Quèc; 4; 9; 11; 12; 14; 33
China- Japan war   chiÕn tranh Trung – NhËt; 36
Chindan Hakhoe (Korean Academic Society)   ChÊn §µn Häc Héi; 34
Ch’ing China dynasty   triÒu ®×nh Nhµ Thanh Trung Quèc; 10; 
Cho Chun    TriÖu L¨ng;   1
Cho Chun- yong    TriÖu ChuÈn VÜnh; 7

Ch’oe Che-u (1824- 1864)   Th«i TÕ Ngu; 11
Ch’oe Nam- son    Th«i Nam ThiÖn; 34
Ch’oe P’ar- yong    Th«i B¸t Dung;   26
Ch’oe Si hyong (1829- 1898)   Th«i Thêi Hanh; 11
Choksong   TÝch Thµnh; 24
Cholla province   tØnh Toµn La; 32;
Chollang      Thuyªn lang; 2
Cho Man Sik     Tµo V¨n Thùc; 38;
Cho Man-yong    TriÖu V¹n VÜnh; 3
Chondogyo    Thiªn §¹o gi¸o; 23 26; 34;
Chondoist Chongu Party    §¶ng Chondoist Chongu; 40
Chongbo    ®inh bé - ®¬n vÞ ®o l­êng TriÒu Tiªn; 21;
 Chongdong Hyophoe    Trinh §éng HiÖp Héi; 14
Chong Kyo    TrÞnh KiÒu; 14
Chongno    Chung Lé; 15
Chong To-jon    TrÞnh §¹o TruyÒn; 1;
Chongju    Toµn Ch©u; 11, 12
Chongup     TØnh Êp; 11 
Chon Pong-jun    Toµn Bæng ChuÈn; 11
Choson    TriÒu Tiªn; 1, 2; 3; 4;5 ;7; 8; 11;14; 18;
Choson dynasty   triÒu ®×nh Choson; 24; 33; 39;
Choson Fertilizer Company   C«ng ty ph©n ®¹m Choson; 29
Choson Hydro Electricity Company   C«ng ty Thñy §iÖn TriÒu Tiªn; 29
Choson sang- gosa (Ancient Korean History)   TriÒu Tiªn Th­îng Cæ Sö; 34
Chosonsa yon’gu ch’o (A Study of Korean History) TriÒu Tiªn Sö Nghiªn Cøu Th¶o; 34 
Chosun ilbo (Korea Daily)   TriÒu Tiªn NhËt b¸o;   28
Christianity   C¬ §èc gi¸o’ 4; 42;
Chungju   Trung Ch©u; 24
Confucian   Nho gi¸o; 1; 4; 6; 26; 27;
Confucian Officials   c¸c quan l¹i nho gi¸o; 23
Confucian schools   tr­êng häc nho gi¸o; 23
Ch’ungch’ong province    tØnh Chungchong; 3 ; 24
Chung- chong sea    biÓn Chungchong; 6 
Chungking   Trïng Kh¸nh (Trung Quèc) 33;
Chu His    Chu Hi; 2
D
Dairen port    c¶ng §¹i Liªn; 16
Democratic Constitution     hiÕn ph¸p d©n chñ; 39
Democratic Party     §¶ng D©n chñ; 38; 43; 44;
Democratic revolution    c¸ch m¹ng d©n chñ; 42;
Dynastic Foundation Merit Subjects   Khai quèc c«ng thÇn; 1 
E
Easterners (Tongin) §«ng Nh©n; 2
East lightly East lightly   ViÔn §«ng; 16
Egypt     Ai CËp; 36
F
Fascist Mussolini    trïm Ph¸t xÝt Mót x« li ni; 36
Fire-field people   háa ®iÒn d©n – ng­êi ®èt ®ång; 30

First Bank    §Ö NhÊt Ng©n Hµng; 22
Foreign minister Huh Chung    Ngo¹i tr­ëng Huh Chung; 43
France    N­íc Ph¸p; 3 ;  5; 13; 14; 16; 35; 37 ;
Freedom Party    §¶ng Tù do;    42; 43;
Friendship Agreement (1876) (also called Kwangwa Agreement) HiÖp ­íc Giang Hoa; 7
G
General Governor    Tæng §èc (quan Toµn QuyÒn); 19; 29; 31; 33;  36;
Geneva     Gi¬ ne v¬; 50
Germany   n­íc §øc 8; 13; 14; 16; 25; 36;
Great deed on Han river   kú tÝch bªn s«ng Hµn; 49
Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere   §¹i §«ng ¸ cïng phån vinh, thÞnh v­îng; 35
H
 Ham Hung   Hµm H­ng; 38
Hamp’yong    Hµm B×nh; 11
Ham Yong-un      Hµm Long V©n; 35
Hanabusa yoshitada     Hoa Phßng NghÜa ChÊt; 7
Hangul     ch÷   Hangun; 15; 32
Han River   s«ng Hµn; 49;
Hansong    H¸n Thµnh 1;
Hawaii     Ha Oai; 35
Ha wi- ji   Hµ VÜ §Þa; 1
Head of Department of Soldiers of the General Governor Office    Côc tr­ëng Côc HiÕn Binh cña Tæng §èc phñ; 33
Hong Kong    Hång C«ng; 35
Hong Kye-hun   Hoµng H¶i Qu©n; 11
Hong Pom-do    Hång Ph¹m §å; 33
Hong Yong -Sik     Hång Anh Thùc; 7; 9
Horimoto Reizo   QuËt B¶n LÔ T¹o; 7
Hwang hae    Hoµng H¶i §¹o; 24
Ho Wi     Høa VÜ; 24
Hymns From Dragon Pool (Yongdam yusa)    Long §µm Di Tõ; 11
I
In Ch’on      Nh©n Xuyªn; 8; 10; 
Inch’on port    c¶ng Nh©n Xuyªn; 12; 16;
Independence Association    HiÖp Héi §éc LËp; 14; 15; 24;
Independent Gate    cæng §éc LËp; 15
Independence Hall    §éc LËp Qu¸n; 15
Independence Party   §¶ng §éc LËp; 9
Independence Park   §éc LËp C«ng viªn; 15
Indochina   §«ng D­¬ng; 5 35;
Indian    Ên §é; 5; 37
Ito Hiromubi Y §»ng B¸c V¨n – mét chÝnh kh¸ch cao cÊp cña NhËt; 9; 17
Italy   n­íc ý; 16; 35

J
Jang Myeon   Tr­¬ng MiÕn; 44 
Japan  NhËt B¶n; 5; 7; 10; 11; 13;14, 15; 16; 17;18; 20;22; 25;26; 28; 30; 32; 35; 36; 44; 48; 50; 51

Japanese  ng­êi NhËt B¶n; 7; 8; 10; 11; 14; 18;19; 20;21; 23; 27; 29; 31; 33; 37;
Japanese General Resident    quan Thèng sø NhËt B¶n; 19
Japanese minister Takezoe Shinichiro   Tróc thiªm TiÕn NhÊt Lang  Bé tr­ëng NhËt B¶n;  9
Japanese minister Hayashi gonshuke   L©m QuyÒn Trî – Bé tr­ëng cña NhËt B¶n; 17
Jeon Du-hwan    Toµn §Èu Ho¸n; 45
K
Kaesong    Khai Thµnh; 40
Kam ja       Khoai T©y; 34.
Kangwon    Giang Nguyªn ®¹o; 24
Kap kot   Gi¸p XuyÕn; 5
Karl Max    C¸c M¸c; 32; 39; 
Keijo Royal University   Tr­êng §¹i häc Hoµng Gia Keijo; 34
Kim Chwa - jin     Kim T¸ TrÊn; 33
Kim Cho-sun     Kim ThuÇn Tæ; 3
Kim Dae-jung    Kim §¹i Träng; 47; 48; 50; 51  
Kim Il - sung   Kim NhËt Thµnh; 39. 41; 49; 50
Kim Jong-il   Kim ChÝnh NhËt 50; 51
Kim Kae- nam     Kim Khai Nam; 11
Kim Ki-su       Kim KhØ Tó; 7
Kim Ku      Kim Cöu; 38
Kim Koeng-jip     Kim Ho»ng TËp; 7; 8; 13;
Kim Kyu -sil    Kim Khuª Thùc;   26
Kim OK- kyun     Kim Ngäc Qu©n;     9
Kim Tong-in   Kim §«ng Nh©n; 34
Kim Yun -sik      Kim DuÉn Thùc;
Kim Young-sam      Kim VÞnh Tam; 45; 46 47; 50;
King Ch’olchong (1849- 1863) Vua TriÕt T«ng; 3
King Ch’olchong (1849- 1863)   Vua TriÕt T«ng; 3; 4; 
King Chongjo (1776- 1800) Vua ChÝnh Tæ; 3
King Honjong (1834- 1849) Vua HiÕn T«ng; 3
King Injo (1623- 1649) Nh©n tæ; 2
King Jungjong     vua Trung T«ng;(1506 - 1544); 2
 King Kojong (1864- 1907) Vua Cao T«ng; 4; 7 8; 9; 13; 14; 15; 18; 26;
King M’ing   vua Minh Trung quèc; 1;
King Sejong (1418- 1450)   vua ThÕ T«ng; 1
King Sejo (1455- 1468)   Th¸i T«ng; 1
King Seonjo (1567- 1608); vua Tuyªn tæ; 2
King Seongjong   vua Thµnh T«ng; (1469- 1494) 1
King Sunjo (1800- 1834); ThuÇn Tæ; 3
King Sunjong (1907- 1910)   vua ThuÇn T«ng; 18; 19; 32;
King T’aejo (1392 – 1398) vua Th¸i Tæ; 1
King Yeonsangun     vua YÕn S¬n Qu©n; (1494 - 1506) 2
King Yongjo (1724- 1776)   vua Anh Tæ; 3
Koch’ang    Cao X­ëng; 11
Komun-do island ®¶o Cù V¨n; 10;
Konyang Hyophoe Club KiÕn D­¬ng HiÖp Héi; 14
Korea Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA)   Côc t×nh b¸o Trung ­¬ng Hµn Quèc; 45
Korea     Hµn Quèc(Caoly);1, 4; 5; 6; 7; 10; 11; 12;16; 17; 18; 22; 23; 33; 35; 44; 49;
Korean    ng­êi Hµn Quèc; 8;13; 14; 18; 20; 21; 25; 26; 27; 28; 29; 30; 31; 34; 37; 47;
Korea Labor party    §¶ng Lao §éng TriÒu Tiªn 39; 40; 41;
Korea Labor Unions’ Association   NghiÖp §oµn Lao §éng TriÒu Tiªn; 31;
Korea Workers Party (KWP)    §¶ng Lao ®éng TriÒu Tiªn;   40
Korea’s Provisional Governmen     ChÝnh phñ l©m thêi TriÒu Tiªn; 24; 33; 37;
Korean   Central bank   Ng©n hµng Trung ­¬ng Hµn Quèc; 22 
Korean citizens to buy Korean products   ng­êi TriÒu Tiªn mua hµng TriÒu Tiªn; 31
Korean Communist Party (Choson Kongsandang)     TriÒu Tiªn Céng S¶n §¶ng; 33; 38
Korean Democratic Party (Han’guk Min –judang)   Hµn Quèc D©n Chñ §¶ng 38
Korean History Compilation Bureau    Côc Biªn Ký LÞch Sö TriÒu Tiªn; 34
Kung Min hoe (National People Association) Quèc D©n Héi; 25
Kwang ju   Quang Ch©u; 32
Kwangmu (Martial Brillance)   Quang Vò; 14
Kwangwa island ®¶o Giang Hoa; 5; 24;
Kwangwa Agreement    HiÖp ­íc Giang Hoa; 7
Kyongbok    C¶nh Phóc cung; 13; 
Kyonggi    Kinh Kú ®¹o; 27;
Kyong-sang Kh¸nh Th­îng ®¹o; 24; 26
L
Law of religious Sites LuËt §Òn Qu¸n; 23
Lenin   Lªnin- l·nh tô Nga;   32; 39;
Letter Protocol   NghÞ ®Þnh th­; 16
Li Hung- chang     Lý Hång Ch­¬ng; 9
Long live Korean independent” (Tongnip manse);   §éc lËp mu«n n¨m   26;  32
M
Magazine Hansong Sunbo   H¸n Thµnh tuÇn b¸o; 9
Malaysia   M· lai xi a; 35
Manchuria     M·n Ch©u; 13;15;16; 21; 25; 29; 30; 33; 35; 36;
 Manchurian Incident;   sù biÕn M·n Ch©u 35
mass killing 1920     Vô th¶m s¸t; 1920   33 
Megata Tanetaro Môc H¹ §iÒn Chñng Th¸i Lang; 16 ; 22
M’ing of China    Nhµ Minh Trung Quèc; 4
Minister Inoue Koaru TØnh Th­îng Hinh- Bé tr­ëng NhËt; 9
Min Kung-ho MÉn Kh¼ng H¹o; 24
Min yong- hwan   MÉn VÞnh Ho¸n; 18
Midway island ®¶o MÝt u©y; 35
Mitsui    Tam TØnh 22; 29
 Mitsubishi    Tam L¨ng 22; 29;
Mukden   Mukden - mét thµnh phè vïng M·n Ch©u; 17
Moscow Matxc¬va   thñ ®« cña n­íc Nga; 37
Movement on March the first 1919   Phong trµo 1/3/1919;  24
N
Nam Gung- ok     Nam Cung øc; 14
Nation Restoration Supreme Committee   Héi ®ång tèi cao t¸i thiÕt quèc gia; 44
Nationalist Party (Kungmindang)   Quèc D©n §¶ng; 38
Nim ui Ch’immuk    (The Silence of Love) Sù TrÇm MÆc Cña T×nh Yªu; 35
New Trend School    ph¸i T©n trµo; 35

Non- Trespassing Agreement HiÖp ­íc kh«ng x©m ph¹m; 49
O
Office of Culture and Information (Pangmungkuk) côc Th«ng tin V¨n hãa;  9
O Kyong- sok   Ng« Kh¸nh TÝch; 6; 
Old Doctrine (Noron)   L·o LuËn; 2
Oriental Company   c«ng ty Ph­¬ng §«ng; 32
 Overarching Officefor Extraordinery State Affairs (T’ongni Kimu) Thèng Lý C¬ Vô Nha M«n; 7
O Yun -jung   Ng­ DuÉn Trung; 7; 8; 13
P
PPP (Purchase Power Price)    søc mua t­¬ng ®­¬ng;   41
Pacific Ocean    biÓn Th¸i B×nh D­¬ng; 36
Pak P’aeng- nyon   Ph¸c Bµnh Liªn; 1
Pak Che-ga     Ph¸c TÒ Gia; 6
Pak Chong -yang   Ph¸c §Þnh D­¬ng;   7
Park Chung hee   P¾c Chung Hy; 44;
Pak Hon- yong   Ph¸c HiÕn VÜnh; 38
Pak Kyu-su     Ph¸c Khuª §µo; 6
Pak Song-hwan  Ph¸c TÝnh Ho¸n; 19
Pak Un-sik   Ph¸c ¢n Thùc; 34
Pak Yong- hyo    Ph¸c VÞnh HiÕu; 9
palace Kyongbok   C¶nh Phóc cung; 5
palace Kyonggun( today’s Toksu Palace) Kh¸nh VËn Cung; 14
P’anmunjom     Bµn M«n §iÕm; 40 49;
Pearl Harbor Tr©n Ch©u C¶ng; 35 
Philippines Phi LuËt  T©n; 35; 37; 40;
Portmouth Agreement   §iÒu ­íc chÊm døt chiÕn tranh Nga- NhËt; 17
port of Pussan   c¶ng Busan;  7.
Practical Learning (Sirhak) Thùc häc; 2
 Private Schools (sowon) Tr­êng t­; 2; 5
progress to heal the national wound     c«ng cuéc lµm lµnh m¹nh vÕt  th­¬ng d©n téc; 50
Protectorate Treaty (1905)    HiÖp ­íc b¶o hé; (1905) 17; 18 24;
Provisional Government ChÝnh phñ l©m thêi TriÒu Tiªn; 37
Provisional Government’s, North of Korea   ChÝnh phñ L©m thêi B¾c TriÒu Tiªn; 38;
Pussan    c¶ng Pusan; 7; 10; 14; 20; 39;
P’yongan   B×nh Nh­ìng;  3;4; 14; 23; 26; 31; 38; 39; 40;
Q
 Queen Min    Hoµng HËu Minh Thµnh; 6; 8; 9; 10;13; 24;
R
Roh Tae-woo    L« Th¸i Ngu; 45; 49
Royal   Association   Hoµng Quèc HiÖp Héi; 15
Russia  N­íc Nga; 3; 8; 9; 13; 14; 16; 17; 33; 39; 48 ;50; 51
Russian    ng­êi Nga; 10; 16; 24; 26; 39; 40; 46
 Russian foreign minister I.I Va Nop      Ngo¹i tr­ëng Nga I.I Va Nèp;   50
S
Saito Makoto     Trai §»ng Thùc; 28
Salvador     Xanvado; 37
Samdae (Three genarations)    Tam §¹i; 35

Seoul      X¬- ul;  4; 5; 8; 9; 14; 15; 20; 26; 31; 38; 39; 40; 42;
Seoul Declaration     Tuyªn bè Seoul; 46
Shantung peninsula    B¸n ®¶o S¬n §«ng; 25;
Shanghai    Th­îng H¶i –Trung Quèc; 26; 27; 31;
Shawa     SÜ ho¹; 2
Siberia    Vïng ViÔn ®«ng Nga; 15; 21
Shimonoseki Treaty §iÒu ­íc M· Quan; 12
Sin Ch’ae-ho   Th©n Th¸i H¹o; 34
Sin’ganhoe    T©n C¸n Héi; 32
Singapore     Xinh ga po; 35
Sin Kyu sik     Th©n Khuª Thùc; 25
Sino language     ch÷ H¸n 15
Sin Tol- sok    Th©n Th¹ch Th¹ch; 24
Six killed officials     tö lôc thÇn; 1
Spain   T©y Ban Nha; 16;
So Ch’ae- p’il (Philip jaisohn)    Tõ H¶i BËt; 14; 23;
Social Democratic Party    §¶ng D©n chñ X· héi; 40
sok   th¹ch  (®¬n vÞ ®o l­êng TriÒu Tiªn);  29
Song Chin-u      Tèng TrÊn Vò; 38
Songgyun’gwan     Tr­êng Song Gyam khan thêi kú Choson; 23;
Song Sam Mun    Thµnh Tam VÊn 1
Summit conference of North and South     Héi nghÞ th­îng ®Ønh B¾c – Nam; 49
Sunshine Policy ChÝnh s¸ch ¸nh d­¬ng; 48; 50 
State Council   Héi ®ång Nhµ n­íc; 1
Syria    Xyri; 37
T
T’aejo   vua Th¸i tæ 1; 
T’ae Won -gun §¹i ViÖn Qu©n; 3; 4; 5; 6; 8; 10; 13;
Taiwan  §µi Loan;13
Tangjaeng   §¶ng tranh; 2 
T’angp’yongch’aek (policy of impartiality)   §·ng B×nh S¸ch; 3
Teahan Cheguk (Great Han Empire)   §¹i Hµn §Õ Quèc; 14
Teraushi Masatake    Tù Néi chÝnh NghÞ; 19
Thailand    Th¸i Lan; 35
The American President   Tæng Thèng Mü; 26;
The Bible of Tonghak Doctrine (Tonggyong Taejon)   §«ng Kinh §¹i Toµn; 11
The biggest “party clash    cuéc “®¶ng tranh” lín nhÊt; 2
The Boxer Rebellion     phong trµo ph¶n kh¸ng NghÜa Hßa §oµn; 16
The Case of 105    B¸ch ngò nh©n sù kiÖn; 20
The Central Council (Chungch’uwon)   Trung Xu ViÖn; 20;
The China Ch’ing dynasty    triÒu ®×nh Nhµ Thanh Trung Quèc; 16;
The chairman of National Defense Committee   Chñ tÞch Héi ®ång Quèc 
Phßng; 40
The Choson government   chÝnh quyÒn Choson; 22;
The Choson state   Nhµ n­íc Choson; 22;
The Cold War    chiÕn tranh l¹nh; 49; 
The comprehensive strike in Wonsan (1929)   cuéc tæng ®×nh c«ng cña c«ng nh©n t¹i  Wonsan (Nguyªn S¬n 1929); 31;
The Democratic Republic of Korean People    Céng hßa d©n chñ nh©n d©n TriÒu Tiªn 39; 40; 41; 42; 47; 48; 49; 50;
The democratic revolution     c¸ch m¹ng d©n chñ;   42
The First Bank of Japan §Ö NhÊt Ng©n hµng NhËt B¶n; 22;
The First World War §¹i chiÕn ThÕ giíi I;    25
The Freedom Party      §¶ng Tù do; 42
The Hall of Worthies    TËp HiÒn §iÖn; 1
The Independence   Party  §¶ng §éc LËp; 13.
The Independence Club (Tongnip Hyophoe)    HiÖp Héi §éc LËp; 14
The Independence Declaration   Tuyªn Ng«n §éc LËp;   26
The Independence News (Tongnip Sinmun)    Tê b¸o §éc lËp T©n V¨n; 28 
The individualist doctrines of the Wang Yang-ming school of Neo - Confucianism    thuyÕt c¸ nh©n cña häc ph¸i V­¬ng D­¬ng Minh thuéc TÝnh Lý Häc; 2
 The International Monetary Fund (IMF)     Quü tiÒn tÖ quèc tÕ; 47
The International Cold War chiÕn tranh L¹nh thÕ giíi; 42;
The General Governor Terauchi Viªn quan Tæng §èc NhËt; 20;
The Government of the Korean Restoration Army    §¹i Hµn Quang Phôc Qu©n ChÝnh Phñ; 25
The international Cold War   ChiÕn tranh l¹nh thÕ giíi; 42
The Japanese Emperor, Hoµng ®Õ NhËt; 36;
The Japanese Government  ChÝnh phñ NhËt; 17;  21; 34;
The Japanese prime minister Ito Hirobumi Y §»ng B¸c V¨n- Thñ t­íng NhËt; 9
The Japanese Zaibatsu groups  Tµi phiÖt;  21
The June 10 Independence Demonstration Lôc thËp v¹n tuÕ vËn ®éng; 32 
The Korean Communist Party (Koryo Kongsandang)   Cao Ly Céng s¶n §¶ng; 31
The Korean government    triÒu ®×nh Choson 16; 19;
The Korean workers alliance (Choson Nodong Yonmaenghoe) TriÒu Tiªn Lao §éng Liªn Minh Héi; 31
The Korean Youth Independence Corps (Choson Chongnyon Tongiptan) TriÒu Tiªn Thanh Niªn §éc LËp §oµn; 26 
The Liaotung Peninsula   B¸n ®¶o Liªu §«ng; 13
The mainstream perspective   t­ t­ëng chñ thÓ; 41 
The Muwiyong (Palase Guards Garrison) Vò vÖ doanh; 7
The Mohwa-gwan (“Hall of Cherishing China”) Mé Hoa Qu¸n; 15
The National Medical University     Tr­êng §¹i häc y quèc gia; 43
Theodore Roosevelt (1858- 1919) Tæng Thèng Mü Ru d¬ ven; 17
The Parliament House   Nhµ Quèc Héi; 43;
The Privy Council   Héi ®ång C¬ mËt; 1;
The private Academies (Sowon) Tr­êng t­; 2, 5; 
The Provisional Government ChÝnh phñ L©m thêi; 28; 44; 
The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea ChÝnh phñ L©m thêi  céng hoµ TriÒu Tiªn; 
The Provisional People Committee    Uû ban nh©n d©n l©m thêi; 39;  
The Pacific Asia     Ch©u ¸ Th¸i B×nh D­¬ng; 36
The Pyolgigun (Special Skills Force)    BiÖt kü qu©n; 7
The Republic of Korea (Dae Han Min – kuk)   §¹i Hµn D©n Quèc; 37; 39;
The Russian revolution c¸ch m¹ng Nga; 1917
The Second World War     §¹i chiÕn thÕ giíi thø II   21;  27; 30 ; 35; 36 37; 44;
The seventh Supreme People Assembly of the Democratic Republic of Korea   Héi nghÞ Nh©n d©n tèi cao Céng hßa d©n chñ nh©n d©n TriÒu Tiªn
The six volume Othodox code (Chongjon)   ChÝnh §iÓn; 1
The South of Korea   miÒn Nam Hµn Quèc; 38;
The strike of workers of Pusan port (1921)   Cuéc ®×nh c«ng cña c«ng nh©n bÕn c¶ng Pusan (1921); 31; 
The strike of female workers of rubber production in Seoul (1923) cuéc ®×nh c«ng cña n÷ c«ng nh©n s¶n xuÊt cao su t¹i Seoul (1923); 31;
The Treaty of Hansong (Seoul) §iÒu ­íc H¸n Thµnh; 9
The Treaty of non production and development of nuclear weapons HiÖp ­íc kh«ng s¶n xuÊt vµ phæ biÕn h¹t nh©n; 50
The United Nations’ Provisional Committee ñy ban t¹m thêi cña Liªn HiÖp Quèc; 37
The village Code (Hyang yak) H­¬ng ­íc; 2
The Works Beneficial Association (Nodong Kongjehoe) Lao §éng Céng TÕ Héi; 31
The World Peace Summit   Héi nghÞ Th­îng ®Ønh Hoµ B×nh ThÕ giíi; 18
The Yalu     ¸p Lôc giang; 16
The Yongun (“Welcoming Imperial Gate”) Gate    Nghinh ¢n M«n: cæng nghinh ®ãn Hoµng ©n; 15
Three treaties on reconciliation, and non violation, exchange and cooperation 3 hiÖp ®Þnhc¬ b¶n vÒ hßa gi¶i kh«ng x©m ph¹m lÉn nhau, trao ®æi vµ hîp t¸c; 49
Tientsin City Thµnh phè Thiªn T©n; 8
Tientsin Agreement HiÖp ­íc Thiªn T©n; 18/4/1885;   9; 12;
Tokyo   Thñ ®« NhËt B¶n; 32;
To the Young friends    Göi Nh÷ng B¹n TrÎ; 34
Tonga Il bo (East Asia Daily)    §«ng ¸ NhËt b¸o; 28; 34;
Tonghak movement   Phong trµo §«ng häc; 27;
Tonghak propaganda    phong trµo t«n gi¸o §«ng häc; 10; 
Tonghak revolution    cuéc c¸ch m¹ng §«ng häc; 11; 12
Tong Jesa      §ång TÕ X·; 25
Tongnip sinmun    §éc LËp T©n V¨n; 15
Treaty of Reconciliation non- invasion HiÖp ®Þnh hßa gi¶i, kh«ng x©m l­îc; 49
Treaty on establishment of an Inter- Committee to control nuclear   HiÖp ®Þnh vÒ viÖc thiÕt lËp Liªn ñy ban kiÓm so¸t h¹t nh©n;   49
 Treaty of establishment of inter- Committee of Military HiÖp ®Þnh vÒ viÖc thiÕt lËp Liªn ñy ban qu©n sù hai bªn; 49
Treaty of Contact Office for the two regions   HiÖp ®Þnh vÒ viÖc thiÕt lËp V¨n phßng liªn l¹c gi÷a hai bªn;   49
Tumengan river s«ng Tumengan; 10; 21;
U
United Nations      Liªn HiÖp Quèc; 37; 39;
Unsan   c¶ng Unsan; 14;
Unyo ship   tÇu V©n D­¬ng;   6
V
Vietnam     ViÖt Nam;    50

Y
 Yangban   Quan l¹i quý téc v¨n vµ vâ trong bé m¸y chÝnh quyÒn; 3;12;
Yeh Chin- ch’ao DiÖp ChÝ Siªu; 12
Yellow Sea    biÓn Hoµng H¶I (biÓn Vµng); 5
Yi Chae- son      Lý T¶i Tiªn; 7; 8; 
Yi Chun     Lý TuÊn; 18
Yi In- yong    Lý L©n Vinh; 24
Yi Kae     Lý Kh¶i; 1
Yi Kang - nyon    Lý Khang Niªn; 24
Yi Kwang-su    Lý Quang Chu; 34 
Yi Kyu gyong     Lý Khuª C¶nh; 6; 
Yi Pang-won     Lý ph­¬ng viÔn; 1
Yi Pom - jin    Lý Ph¹m TuÊn; 13
Yi Sang -jai    Lý Th­¬ng T¹i 14; 23
Yi Sang- sok   Lý C­êng TiÕt; 18; 25;
Yi Si - yong   Lý Thñy Vinh;   25
Yi song -gye    Lý Thµnh QuÕ; 1
Yi Sung- man    Lý Thõa V·n;  25;33; 39; 42; 43;
Yi Tong-hwi     Lý §«ng Huy 25; 33;
Yi Tong- nyong      Lý §«ng Ninh; 25
Yi wan - yong   Lý Hoµn Dông; 13; 19
Yi Wi- jong     Lý Vü Chung; 18
Yom Sang- sop     Liªm T­ëng sa; 35
Yongamp’o    Long Nham Phè; 16
Yonju     Vinh Ch©u; 24
Young Doctrine (Soron)   ThiÕu luËn; 2
Yuan Shih-k’ai     Viªn ThÕ Kh¶I; 8; 9
Yu Hong-gi     L­u Hång C¬; 6
Yu Myong – gyu   L­u Minh Khuª; 24
 Yi Sang- sol    Lý T­íng TiÕt; 25
Yi Tong-hwi    Lý §«ng Huy; 25; 31;
Yu Song- won     LiÔu Thä Viªn; 1
Yu Ung- bu     Du øng Phï; 1
Yun Chi- ho     Do·n TrÝ H¹o;   14; 23
W 
Washington Medical University §¹i häc Y khoa Oa shing t¬n; 14 
Westerners (Soin)     T©y Nh©n; 2
Western     Learning T©y häc; 2
Won ju     Nguyªn Ch©u; 24
Wosan    Usan; 10
Wu Ch’ang Ch’ing      Ng« Tr­êng Kh¸nh; 8